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Are India and Iran’s recent tensions a sign of worsening ties?
India and Israel have had a strong security and bilateral relationship for years, especially given both countries have a long list of Islamic extremist groups which strive for their destruction. After 7/10, India has stood steadfast with Israel though formally has called for the two state solution. One exception has been India’s relationship with Iran. Despite Iran becoming a theocracy, India’s relations with the Islamic republic have been warm until now. Apart from generations and historic links, one of the reasons has been India’s peaceful Shia population, which unlike its Sunni population, has been peaceful and patriotic. India has ignored the Islamic republic’s support to terror groups, directly or through other Pakistani supported terror groups. It has largely brushed the protests by women in Iran as an internal matter.
India recently issued a sharp rebuke in response to comments made by Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, regarding the treatment of Muslims in India. Khamenei, while commemorating the birth anniversary of Prophet Mohammed, highlighted the “suffering” of Muslim communities worldwide, including in India, Gaza, and Myanmar. “We cannot call ourselves Muslims if we ignore the suffering of Muslims in #Myanmar, #Gaza, #India, or anywhere else,” he posted on X (formerly Twitter).
Iran’s muslim population is around 85 million people in comparison to 200 million muslims in India. Over centuries, Iran’s dominant Zoroastrian community has fled to India to flee persecution as have Irans jews who have fled to Israel. The Baha’i faith is Iran’s largest non-Muslim religious minority but is not recognized by the government. Baha’is face severe persecution, including denial of access to higher education, employment discrimination, confiscation of property, arbitrary arrests, and imprisonment. The Iranian government considers the Baha’i faith heretical. Ethnic minorities such as Kurds, Baloch, Arabs are also treated like second class citizens while Shia Azeris and Turkmen are better integrated.
The response from India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) was swift and firm. “We strongly deplore the comments made regarding minorities in India by the Supreme Leader of Iran. These are misinformed and unacceptable,” read the MEA’s official statement. Additionally, the ministry pointedly advised nations offering critiques on minority treatment to examine their own human rights records before passing judgment. “Countries commenting on minorities are advised to look at their own record before making any observations about others,” the statement concluded.
This exchange of words is significant, given the broader context of India-Iran relations. The two nations share deep ties, spanning centuries of trade, culture, and diplomacy. More recently, their partnership has revolved around strategic interests, with India’s involvement in the development of the Chabahar Port being a cornerstone of these relations. The Chabahar project is vital for India’s geopolitical strategy, providing it with direct access to Afghanistan and Central Asia while bypassing Pakistan.
The timing of Khamenei’s remarks also raises questions. His comments came on the very day when thousands of women in Iran were protesting by walking through the streets without the compulsory headscarf, or hijab, in defiance of the Iranian government’s strict dress code. These demonstrations marked the second anniversary of Mahsa Amini’s death. Amini, a 22-year-old woman, died in 2022 after being detained by Iran’s notorious morality police for allegedly not wearing her hijab to the authorities’ satisfaction. Her death sparked global outrage and intensified the debate over women’s rights in Iran.
As Khamenei criticizes India’s treatment of minorities, his own country is embroiled in a crisis over human rights violations, particularly those involving women and minority groups. The protests in Iran are a reminder that the country faces its own set of challenges regarding civil liberties, freedom of expression, and gender rights. It is within this context that India’s response must be viewed—a pointed reminder to Khamenei that Iran’s own human rights record is far from flawless. In the subtext, India has been patient bearing Iran’s aggression in the Gulf of Aden through its Houthi proxies. Ships attacked and captured, despite the flags they fly, tend to have Indian crew. Irans’s “Axis of resistance” is also a serious threat to India’s security and well being.
The broader question is: What does this spat mean for India-Iran relations? On the surface, it may seem like a momentary diplomatic flare-up. However, the dynamics between the two countries are not fragile. Despite occasional tensions, India and Iran have managed to maintain strong bilateral ties, even during times of political upheaval. For instance, in May, Indian Vice President Jagdeep Dhankar visited Iran to offer condolences after the deaths of prominent Iranian leaders, including former President Ebrahim Raisi. Just two months later, Union Minister Nitin Gadkari attended the swearing-in ceremony of Iran’s new President, Masoud Pezeshkian, highlighting the continuity of diplomatic engagement.
What binds India and Iran together is not just political goodwill but strategic necessity. The Chabahar Port, operated in part by an Indian state-run company, is critical to India’s regional ambitions. Beyond that, the two nations have a shared interest in stabilizing Afghanistan, expanding trade, and countering the influence of other powers in the region. These are long-term objectives that transcend temporary irritations over diplomatic exchanges.
That said, the exchange of words between India and Iran signals a delicate balancing act. As global powers, both countries must manage domestic narratives while engaging in international diplomacy. For Khamenei, addressing the ‘plight’ of Muslims in India may resonate with his domestic audience, as it aligns with his broader message of Muslim solidarity. For India, however, maintaining its secular image on the world stage and deflecting external criticism is essential to its diplomatic standing. India is also no longer willing to stand by and let “friends” be selective about their friendship.
While this exchange is unlikely to lead to any immediate fallout in bilateral relations, it does underscore the complexity of navigating international diplomacy in an era of social media, global protests, and rapidly shifting domestic politics. The flare up is a sign of tensions to come, as Iran becomes more aggressive and islamic and India looses its patience.
About the Author
Sergio Restelli is an Italian political advisor, author and geopolitical expert. He served in the Craxi government in the 1990's as the special assistant to the deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Justice Martelli and worked closely with anti-mafia magistrates Falcone and Borsellino. Over the past decades he has been involved in peace building and diplomacy efforts in the Middle East and North Africa. He has written for Geopolitica and several Italian online and print media. In 2020 his first fiction "Napoli sta bene" was published.
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