For 1000 years, we know nothing about the Jews

A millennium separates the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem by the Romans from the rise of Hebrew literature, which emerged in the Jewish world in the 11th century. This period begins with the conclusion of the historical works of Flavius Josephus (Yossef ben Matityahu) around the year 100 and ends with the First Crusade (1096-1099). At the end of the era covered by Josephus’ writings, we lack any significant testimony on Jewish history. To bridge this gap, some historians have relied on the legendary figures of the Mishnah and the Talmud. However, Josephus’ work has the advantage of having been written according to the methods of Greek and Roman historians. Thus, despite their differences, his documentation of Jewish events in the Greco-Roman era is comparable in volume and importance to the historical sagas of the Bible.

After the trauma of the Temple’s destruction and the severe trials endured during the Great Revolt (66-73), the Diaspora Revolt (115-117), and the revolt of Ben Kosba (Bar Kokhba, 132-135), the Judeans underwent a major theological crisis, comparable to the one that afflicted the Kingdom of Judah after the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem in 586 BCE. A new era then began, lasting until the time of Saadia Gaon and Sherira Gaon in the 10th century, marking a profound transformation of Judaism compared to the Judeans of the biblical period. Between these two periods, most historical sources dried up, depriving historians of concrete elements about Jewish life in its many communities. Only inscriptions discovered at archaeological sites in North Africa and a few scattered references in the writings of the Church Fathers remain. Although valuable for understanding relations between Jews, Christians, and Muslims, these sources do not allow for the reconstruction of a continuous history, particularly regarding the emergence of Jewish communities in northern Europe, France, and Germany.

During these thousand years, this period was nourished by legends and unfounded speculations, such as the alleged conversion of the Khazars, used to compensate for the lack of historical sources. It is therefore not surprising that these medieval centuries are referred to as the “Dark Ages” due to the scarcity of reliable historical texts. For the Judeans, the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem by Titus marked a radical break between sacrificial rituals and a Judaism devoid of sacrifices. From that moment on, and until the dissemination of the Talmud in the 12th century, defining what “Jewish religion” was became difficult. A very long period separates the world of sacrifices from the emergence of a religion centered on the observance of commandments. How, then, can we define Jewish beliefs during this interval?

Following the revolt of Ben Kosba, three major Jewish communities coexisted: Hellenized Jews, who were bilingual (Hebrew-Greek) or trilingual (Hebrew-Greek-Aramaic); Messianic-Nazarene Jews (Essenes, Ebionites, and Elkasaites); and Rabbinic Jews. It is now accepted that Hellenized Jews constituted the dominant community among these groups, while the rabbis remained marginal. Although the precise dating of the Talmudic writings remains uncertain, some scattered testimonies persist. Rabbinic Judaism was primarily anchored in Tiberias, Sepphoris, Lod, and Caesarea, while in mixed cities, Greek cultural and linguistic influence intensified. Rabbinic Jews were not impermeable to Hellenism and sought compromises with its culture. Meanwhile, Messianic Jews found fertile ground among Hellenized Judeans for their mission and gradually attracted many foreigners to their communities.

The Romano-Byzantine period left behind magnificent mosaics adorning synagogue floors, providing a striking vision of the culture, beliefs, and religious practices of the Judeans who frequented these places of worship, from the Hellenistic era to the Muslim period. Archaeological excavations have uncovered nearly 120 synagogues decorated with mosaics, as well as tombstones, thermal statues, and inscriptions. These remains reveal not only the omnipresence of Hellenistic culture but also a surprising persistence of polytheism in Jewish institutions. Indeed, many mosaics depict Greek deities such as Dionysus or Helios on his chariot. Curiously, rabbinic motifs are scarcely present, and the adopted figurative art blatantly contradicts traditional Jewish prohibitions.

Researcher Emanuel Friedheim conducted a comprehensive inventory of Israeli and Phoenician archaeological sites discovered after the Ben Kosba revolt, unanimously revealing a polytheistic cult. The extent of these polytheistic influences, present in synagogues, baths, coins, and various inscriptions, is striking. Among the Jewish population, the worship of Greek and Roman deities coexisted with a fascination for magic, popular beliefs, and superstitions. It is difficult to imagine today that the 2,400 sages mentioned in the Talmud and the heroes of their legends could have gathered in a synagogue in Tiberias, Hamat Gader, Beit Alpha, Beit She’arim, or Sepphoris, contemplating without distress a statue of Zeus transformed into a swan seducing Leda or mosaics teeming with deities such as Jupiter, Helios, and Dionysus, not to mention frescoes depicting naked men and women on synagogue walls.

In light of these discoveries, a pressing question arises: how could Jewish communities have placed foreign deities at the heart of their synagogues instead of Yahweh? Did the sages of the Talmud truly pray in these idol-adorned synagogues? Did they accept these representations out of pragmatism? The Jerusalem Talmud attests that the rabbis had to contend with this reality, as many Jews lived from idol commerce or served as priests in polytheistic temples.

Erwin Goodenough (1893-1965) was the first, in 1935, to theorize the existence of a distinct “Hellenistic Judaism” during the Greco-Roman period. Traces of this can be seen in the writings of Philo of Alexandria, the Gospel of John, and archaeological discoveries. In the 21st century, Seth Schwartz extended this reflection, suggesting that rabbinic literature should be temporarily set aside to first examine historical and material sources. According to him, Jewish idolatry was a form of social and political conformity in the Roman world. Friedheim, on the other hand, considered this polytheism to be more than mere coercion: it attracted a majority of Jews far more than rabbinic precepts did.

Two French scholars, Simon-Claude Mimouni and José Costa, have delved deeper into this issue, studying “synagogue Judaism” or “priestly Judaism,” referring to the Jewish elite that continued to lead communities despite the Temple’s destruction. In reality, anyone who was neither Christian nor a member of a yeshiva belonged to this category. This dominant population can be described as a Hellenistic Judaism living in harmony with Greek culture, its popular and mystical aspects, without renouncing its Jewish identity. This category also included a significant current of Hellenists who individually assimilated into the Judeans or defined themselves as supporters of the Judeans (caelicolae). This phenomenon challenges the purity of Jewish lineage and its genetic uniformity.

In short, for nearly a millennium, Jewish history was not dominated by Talmudic figures but by a much more diverse Judaism, marked by Hellenistic and polytheistic influences. Nevertheless, the legends of the Sages have served as a seemingly coherent substitute for nearly a thousand years. Only contemporary research now allows us to redraw its contours.

Translated from Haaretz, July 18, 2023