Lawsuit Targets Hamas Echoes on US Campuses

It begins not in Gaza. Not in Rafah. Not even at the border fence of October 7th. It starts here, in New York. In California. In Michigan, Illinois, and New Jersey. On Ivy League campuses and community colleges. On public quads once buzzing with youthful idealism, now soaked in chants calling for Jewish extermination. And finally, it begins in federal court.

In March 2025, a federal lawsuit was filed in the Southern District of New York targeting pro-Hamas campus groups and their organizers, identifying them as part of a broader terror support network tied to AMP and NSJP. While the New Jersey-Israel Commission publicly supported these efforts, the lawsuit itself was filed by a group of Jewish plaintiffs under the Antiterrorism Act and Alien Tort Statute.

The complaint explicitly states this is a “Complaint pursuant to the Antiterrorism Act (‘ATA’), 18 U.S.C. § 2333(d), and the Alien Tort Statute (‘ATS’), 28 U.S.C. § 1350,” both powerful laws designed to bring foreign terror enablers to justice through US courts.

This lawsuit tells a horrifying story, but one that must be told. It unveils not just antisemitism but the operational extension of a designated foreign terrorist organization onto American soil, operating under the false flag of student activism.

This lawsuit isn’t just a legal filing; it’s a thunderclap demanding America wake up to the terror festering in its backyard.

The massacre of October 7, 2023, when Hamas terrorists brutally murdered over 1,200 Israelis, marked the deadliest day for Jews since the Holocaust. And yet, within hours, NSJP and AMP launched a campaign justifying the slaughter. Posters, rallies, classroom disruptions, and “teach-ins” flooded American campuses. They called the butchers “freedom fighters.” 

They celebrated rape and mutilation as “resistance.” They did not mourn the dead. They danced on their graves.

The NJIC complaint is a masterclass in legal clarity and moral outrage. It alleges that NSJP and AMP did not simply support Hamas ideologically. They are Hamas’s U.S.-based proxy organizations. A designated terrorist organization, the same one that dragged naked Jewish women through the streets of Gaza and filmed it for propaganda, has affiliates running university chapters at places like UCLA, Columbia, and Rutgers. They use the same slogans. They host the same speakers. They distribute the same propaganda. In some cases, they’ve echoed Hamas directly by sharing videos glorifying the October 7th massacre, including clips of terrorists parading naked Jewish hostages through Gaza, a grotesque mirror of Hamas’s recruitment propaganda. And they do so, the complaint says, with funding and strategic direction from foreign terror sources.

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According to the lawsuit, AMP and NSJP are not grassroots movements. They are rebranded tentacles of a prior Hamas-linked organization called the Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP). When the U.S. government shut down IAP for terrorism financing, AMP rose from its ashes.

The lawsuit reveals that AMP is functionally a successor to the Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP), an organization shut down for channeling money to Hamas via the Holy Land Foundation — a major terrorism financing case in U.S. history. Same leadership. Same mission. New branding.

Calling rape and murder “resistance” isn’t a protest, it’s a moral sickness that universities have coddled for too long.

Then came NSJP, a student-focused arm designed to indoctrinate the next generation. NSJP’s strategy was never grassroots. It was surgical. According to the complaint, NSJP explicitly targets college students through organized ‘teach-ins,’ coordinated walkouts, and ‘days of resistance’ that mirror Hamas’s political messaging. The lawsuit cites internal AMP documents describing “NSJP as a key component of AMP’s strategy to shape U.S. public opinion,” suggesting coordination, funding, and ideological grooming between AMP leadership and student organizers.

These are not spontaneous protests. They are professionally organized ideological trainings designed to radicalize students under the cover of academic freedom.

They host events praising intifadas. They openly call for the destruction of Israel. The complaint notes that NSJP chapters have distributed Hamas-style propaganda calling for a “global intifada,” glorifying martyrdom, and directly echoing Hamas’s messaging in Arabic, often translated into campus-friendly slogans.

And they do so with coordination from Hamas networks, the lawsuit alleges.

Jewish students have been spat on, shoved, and called “Zionist pigs.” In the wake of October 7th, Columbia University shut down its campus to protect Jewish students from violent pro-Hamas mobs.

The lawsuit lists chilling examples:

• At Stanford, Jewish students were told to stand in a corner while others chanted slogans calling for their deaths.
• At UC Berkeley, protesters stormed classrooms shouting, “Intifada until victory.”
• At George Washington University, an image of the burning Supernova music festival was projected onto a building with the words, “Glory to our martyrs.”

This is not political discourse. It is warfare. For years, Jewish students and their allies have begged administrators to stop the spread of campus antisemitism. They wrote letters. They held peaceful events. They filed Title VI complaints. They filed federal Title VI civil rights complaints alleging antisemitic discrimination—formal legal actions meant to trigger U.S. Department of Education investigations—but these were routinely ignored by university leadership. Some of these complaints were backed by legal nonprofits and included documented reports of Jewish students being physically threatened, excluded from campus coalitions, and denied equal access to student government platforms.

Nothing has changed until now.

This lawsuit uses a powerful legal tool: the Anti-Terrorism Act, which allows victims of terrorism to sue those who aid and abet foreign terror groups. The NJIC argues that Hamas’s slaughter on October 7th was aided by the incitement and infrastructure provided by AMP and NSJP.

It is a historic moment. The lawsuit says: Enough. If you act as a terror front, you will be treated as one.

The Antiterrorism Act (ATA) is a U.S. law that gives American victims of terrorism the right to sue any individuals, organizations, or nonprofits who knowingly help or support terrorist groups. This includes giving money, training, propaganda, or material support to groups like Hamas. Under Section 2333(d) of the ATA, if someone “aids and abets” or works with a terrorist group, even from within the U.S., they can be held legally responsible in American courts, civilly and financially. This law was designed to go after not just the terrorists who carry out attacks but also the people and groups that help them from behind the scenes, whether through hate speech, logistics, or fundraising.

The Alien Tort Statute (ATS) is a much older law from 1789 that allows non-U.S. citizens to file lawsuits in American courts when international laws are violated. This includes crimes like genocide, torture, and terrorism. That’s why this statute matters so deeply in this case: the families of the Israeli and American victims of October 7th are turning to U.S. law to seek justice not just for themselves but for what the world witnessed, a barbaric assault on humanity, celebrated by mobs, enabled by ideology and funded by silence.

Predictably, the response from NSJP and AMP was defiance. They doubled down. They accused the plaintiffs of trying to “silence Palestinian voices.”

For too long, the Jewish community has been told to stay quiet. That antisemitism on campus is just “free speech.” That if we object, we are the problem. No more. This lawsuit is not just about justice. It is about dignity. About saying that Jewish lives, Israeli lives, are sacred. That the memory of those burned alive in safe rooms, those dragged into Gaza as hostages, matters.

Among those murdered on October 7th were babies, Holocaust survivors, and peace activists. Some were burned alive, others kidnapped—many still held hostage. Their names now echo not just in Israeli memory but in American courtrooms. And it says to every university president: If you provide a platform to terror proxies, you may find yourself named in the next complaint. 

The complaint warns that “universities and administrators who knowingly host or fail to act against these groups may be liable under U.S. law for enabling terror-linked organizations,” escalating the legal risk for higher education institutions.

The lawsuit makes clear that universities that fail to act, or worse, collaborate with these groups, could be seen as enabling a foreign terrorist organization. Inaction is no longer neutral. It may be legally actionable.

The campus is not a battlefield. But for Jewish students, it has become one.

The lawsuit, supported by the New Jersey-Israel Commission, is a legal and moral cry in the darkness.

And for once, the world may finally listen because October 7th didn’t just happen in Israel. It is happening now. In our classrooms. In our dormitories. In our streets. And this lawsuit is a start.

Am Yisrael Chai.