Why Iran’s Regime Fears Trump: Only Regime Change
The Iranian regime’s fear of Donald Trump stems from more than just the weight of his sanctions or his unilateral withdrawal from the 2015 nuclear deal. Trump’s presidency marked a turning point in U.S.-Iran relations, one that the mullahs in Tehran would rather not revisit. The Trump administration’s “maximum pressure” campaign inflicted deep economic pain on Iran, tightening sanctions that brought its economy to the brink and openly challenging its regional ambitions. For Tehran, the memory of Trump is inextricably tied to economic isolation, targeted military action, and a relentless pursuit of accountability—making him, without question, the adversary they fear most.
Iranian regime’s Leader, Khamenei, and his inner circle dread Trump’s possible return. From a rational, political science, and security perspective, it’s clear that the source of much instability in the Middle East originates in Tehran. Khamenei, a disruptive and terror-sponsoring mullah, holds ambitions that extend well beyond Iran’s borders. Known for his poisonous rhetoric and support for militant proxies, Khamenei’s outlaw regime poses a unique threat. His regime has manipulated political tensions, terrorist proxies, and instigated violence across the region, from Syria and Iraq to Lebanon and Yemen. This Shiite mullah is a wild snake—it has nothing to do with Harris or Trump—but it can strike at any moment, possibly targeting Israel or regional rivals, spreading its venom of terrorism.
While Iran’s animosity toward the U.S. is longstanding, Trump’s actions heightened Tehran’s fear due to their direct impact. The economic stranglehold of the sanctions crippled Iran’s oil exports, restricted its access to international financial networks, and left it unable to support its regional ambitions with the same strength. In his administration’s efforts to limit Iran’s influence, Trump built unprecedented ties between Israel and several Arab nations, leading to the historic Abraham Accords. This alliance, which included former foes uniting against Iran’s ambitions, left Tehran more isolated and weakened its regional power.
And let’s not forget the targeted killing of Qasem Soleimani, a high-ranking IRGC terrorist figure and the architect of Iran’s terrorist proxy wars across the Middle East. Soleimani’s elimination in January 2020 was a direct hit on Iran’s military leadership and sent shockwaves through Tehran. This loss reminded the regime that Trump’s America would not shy away from targeting top Iranian officials if provoked, sparking fear that future leaders might adopt a similar stance. Khamenei’s regime knows all too well that Trump—or any president with a comparable resolve—could easily choose to cut off the head of the snake if Tehran’s actions endanger U.S. interests or allies.
Beyond economic pressure and military strikes, Trump’s presence posed another unique threat to Tehran’s current regime. His unpredictable, tough rhetoric unsettled the regime, making it difficult to gauge how far he might go. “The Iranian regime are promiscuous assassins, and they hate Trump more than anyone else on earth.“They have every reason to fear the former president’s possible return.
In contrast, the current regime in Tehran likely views a Biden administration as an opportunity to stall for time and continue building influence without the same level of scrutiny. However, both Trump and Harris should recognize that simply containing Iran is no longer sufficient. The fundamental issue lies with the regime itself. As long as this festering boil and infectious tumor of extremism remains, the Middle East will continue to experience crises, instability, and the relentless spread of Islamic Terrorism.
Iranian regime’s leaders have perfected the art of oppression domestically while exporting terrorism regionally. The regime, built on fear and violence, has no qualms about suppressing its own people, stifling dissent, or silencing voices calling for reform. From a political science perspective, the best approach for the new White House resident, whether Trump or Harris, is to support regime change in Iran. Without a meaningful shift in power, the regime will persist in fueling extremist networks, manipulating crises, and destabilizing any hope for peace in the region.
Support for regime change is not merely a matter of U.S. interest; it is also the most rational and effective way to secure lasting peace in the Middle East. Khamenei’s regime has proven time and again that it is unwilling to coexist peacefully with its neighbors, let alone the broader international community. For decades, the world has treated Iran as if it could be persuaded to reform its ways. But Khamenei, the warmongering mullah, remains bent on his vision of regional dominance—a vision at odds with stability, human rights, and democracy.
In Iran, the people’s love for Israel and their rejection of war starkly contrast with the regime’s rhetoric. The Iranian populace is weary of its leaders’ hostility and aggression, which have only brought economic ruin and international isolation. This disconnects between the regime and its people underscores the futility of hoping for internal reform. The only viable solution is to remove this terror-sponsoring government, which, despite its claims to Islamic legitimacy, has lost any true mandate to govern.
As long as the head of the snake remains uncut, Islamic terrorism and Iranian-sponsored extremism will plague the Middle East. It is time for world leaders, and especially the next U.S. administration, to consider a decisive approach. Anything short of regime change would be a disservice to the people of Iran, the stability of the Middle East, and the security of the broader world.
Iran’s regime stands as a disgrace to the nation’s name and history. It has transformed a once-great civilization into a hub for oppression, economic despair, and state-sponsored terrorism. If there is one clear lesson from the Trump era, it’s that this regime understands only the language of strength. A new approach is essential, one that places regime change as the cornerstone of any long-term strategy for peace and stability in the region.
Whether Trump or Harris takes office, the priority should be clear: support the Iranian people’s desire for freedom and dismantle the regime that has held them hostage for far too long.
But whether Trump returns to the White House or Harris remains there with her new role, the mullahs’ regime in Tehran will be a serious headache and challenge for the new White House resident. On one hand, the White House is reluctant to openly support regime change; on the other hand, it continues to make the grave mistake of equating the Islamic Republic with the people of Iran in its internal rhetoric, even using “Iran” instead of “Islamic Republic” in reference to the regime.
This regime does not represent the Iranian people—it is, rather, an oppressive and exploitative occupier of Iran. Whether it’s Trump or Harris, the only truly important point is their support for the people of Iran, not wasting years with diplomatic fantasies. The savage mullahs do not understand the language of diplomacy. As long as the mullahs remain in power, the Middle East will continue to burn in the flames of Islamic terrorism.
The Iranian people take pleasure in seeing the ruling mullah humiliated and find satisfaction in the mullah’s fear of Trump. The people of Iran tend to support anything that goes against the mullah’s interests. However, Trump himself seeks to negotiate with the regime and establish a new agreement; he has little interest in regime change.