Jaclyn S. Clark

A Google form asked where the Jews sleep. History knows what comes next

Italy shut down the crowdsourced 'Mapping Zionist Tourism' questionnaire within days, but the algorithms had already minted new antisemites

Sometime this month, someone in Italy opened Google Forms – the same free tool your office uses for the holiday potluck and your kid’s soccer league uses for snack duty – and built a questionnaire called “Mapping Zionist Tourism.” It asked ordinary Italians to report where Jews, Israelis, and people “connected to Zionism” could be found: which hotels, which vacation rentals, which businesses. The stated goal: documenting “Zionist neo-colonization” and coordinating “future actions,” left helpfully unspecified.

Potluck signups. Snack duty. Where the Jews sleep.

The form circulated on social media until Italy’s national coordinator for fighting antisemitism got it taken down. By then, Italian Jews had already read it correctly. Livia Ottolenghi of the Union of Italian Jewish Communities called it “a new yellow star.” Walker Meghnagi, president of Milan’s Jewish community, said it evoked “hunting Jews.” Even Italy’s Senate president condemned it as “an aberrant initiative” built on “profound antisemitism.”

Nearly everyone reached for the same year: 1938, when Fascist Italy passed its racial laws. I’m a litigator. When the whole room cites the same precedent, my job is to pull the file. And the file says 1938 is not a metaphor. It is a sequence – and the form is just step one.

The Census Came First

The racial laws – the school expulsions, the professional bans, the confiscations – did not begin with a decree. They began with a questionnaire. On August 22, 1938, months before the first law was signed, the regime ran a special census of Italy’s Jews – what historians call the first persecutory act of Fascist antisemitic policy. It put roughly 51,000 people on paper as “of Jewish race.” Count first. Persecute second. When the Germans came in 1943 and the hunting began, Italian police handed them census data. The paperwork told the knock on the door where to go.

The people who lived under such filing systems understood what they were. In March 1943, a cell of the Dutch resistance bombed the Amsterdam population register, the records that told the occupiers which Amsterdammers were Jews. Several of them were executed for setting fire to a filing system – because the deadliest thing in Amsterdam was a well-organized cabinet of names and addresses.

Here is the part I need you to sit with: they were right, and they were still too late. The trains had been running for months. Most of the records survived the fire, and of the Netherlands’ 140,000 Jews, around 104,000 were murdered – a toll without parallel in occupied Western Europe. They read the warning sign perfectly. They just read it after it had expired.

No Ministry Required

What took Mussolini a ministry and the full machinery of a state, an anonymous account just attempted with a free app. No bureaucracy. No payroll. Just a link. The gig economy has come for the census: the platform supplies the infrastructure, the public supplies the labor.

And that labor is not in short supply. Study after study has shown that social media algorithms are quietly propagandizing ordinary users – serving the world’s oldest conspiracy theory to people who never went looking for it, minting new antisemites at an alarming rate. Set the two side by side – an audience radicalized at industrial speed, and a free tool that lets any one of them crowdsource the first step of the Holocaust through channels nobody can contain – and the math does not simmer. It escalates: not over decades, like last time, but in afternoons.

The Part That Cuts in Italy’s Favor

The concession first, because it matters. In 1938, the Italian state wrote the list. In 2026, the Italian state killed it within days, its Senate president condemning it on the record. The distance between a government that counts its Jews and a government that defends them is real, it was paid for in blood, and I won’t pretend otherwise.

But look at what has not happened. The authors are still anonymous. No criminal investigation has been confirmed – in a country that has criminalized incitement to racial hatred since 1993. No one can say how many reports the form collected, or where that data sits now. You can delete a form. You cannot delete a downloaded spreadsheet, and you cannot delete the people who read the words report where the Jews are staying – and started typing.

Run the swap: a crowdsourced map of where Muslim families vacation, or where Black travelers sleep, would produce case files and wall-to-wall coverage. This barely interrupted anyone’s scroll.

Where to Knock

In 1938, mapping the Jews of Italy required a government. Today it requires a WiFi connection. Everything about the list has gotten faster – building it, sharing it, deleting it – except us.

The Amsterdam cell would have given anything to stand where we stand now: before the trains, before the knock, holding proof of what the paperwork is for – with time left to act. That is what this form is: not a scandal that ended when the link died, but a warning sign that arrived early, for once. So read it. Call it what it was – not activism, not protest, but the census, self-service edition. When the next form appears, and there will be a next form, report it like the threat it is and demand it be prosecuted like one. The list is never the last step. It is the first one – and this time, we caught it there. What we do next decides whether that matters.

The form asked where the Jews could be found. Here’s an answer: right here, in the open, not going anywhere. The difference between 1938 and today is not that they’ve stopped counting us. It’s that this time, we count too.

About the Author
Jaclyn S. Clark serves as Senior Litigation Counsel for a non-profit organization that fights antisemitism and educates about Israel. Jaclyn's legal work spans the intersection of civil rights and antisemitism, with a particular focus on discrimination against Jewish professionals in the workplace. Previously, Jaclyn spent nearly a decade as an employment law litigator in private practice, primarily representing Fortune 500 companies against discrimination claims. She earned recognition by Best Lawyers as one of its "Ones to Watch" in Labor and Employment Law for four consecutive years (2021–2024). After October 7, 2023, Jaclyn saw the double standards directed at Israel and the Jewish people, along with how poorly the Human Resources world understood Jewish identity and modern antisemitism. She left private practice in 2024 to dedicate her career to defending Jewish civil rights. Jaclyn received her B.A. from the University of Central Florida, her J.D. from the University of Florida Levin College of Law, and is a member of the Florida Bar.
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