A Real Threat from Within

I am not breaking new ground when I begin by stating that Israel is a deeply divided society. The fault lines extend far beyond the simplistic dichotomy of the “pro-Bibi” camp versus the “anti-Bibi” camp. In a comprehensive book published in 2024, co-authored with Dr. Nahum Shiloh, we mapped the principal cleavages within Israeli society, concluded that no single unifying denominator exists across the population, not even a common external enemy, and accordingly titled the book “In Search of Identity.”

Now, deep into 2026, the picture we presented in that book remains unchanged. One of its most striking characteristics is the persistence of established political violence by various groups within Israeli society. By “established violence,” I mean violence employed to achieve political objectives and conducted by groups that enjoy support, encouragement, or political cover from public figures holding influential positions in government, the Knesset, and religious institutions.

This column focuses on the ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) community. Clearly, many Haredim work, volunteer, and contribute to society, such as ZAKA provide just one example. Yet these individuals remain a minority compared to the broader community. The Haredi population constitutes 12 percent of Israel’s citizens and has, for decades, enjoyed disproportionate political influence over the allocation of state resources.

My central argument is straightforward: the Haredim constitute the most organized and disciplined collective force in Israel when it comes to political mobilization and, when necessary, political violence. They possess three critical resources for sustained protest activity: money, time, and access to public space.

The Haredi community, despite its internal subdivisions, shares a clear collective identity. It operates according to well-established cultural codes, with each religious court maintaining its own norms and authority structures. Above all, it seeks to preserve its traditional way of life, particularly the ability of young men to devote themselves to Torah study without state interference. In political science terms, the Haredim are a classic status quo actor.

When does this community mobilize? When the state attempts to alter existing arrangements concerning issues such as Sabbath observance, postmortem examinations, or military conscription. At such moments, hundreds or even thousands of Haredim can gather within hours, block major roads, clash with police officers, and disrupt public order for extended periods.

None of this is new. Such incidents have characterized parts of Haredi protest culture for at least two decades. What is new, however, is the growing boldness and intensity of these actions. Three recent developments deserve particular attention because they represent a genuine internal threat to Israeli society.

1. The Attack on Justice Noam Sohlberg’s Home

Dozens of ultra-Orthodox protesters descended on the home of Deputy President of Israel’s Supreme Court, Justice Noam Sohlberg, a religious Zionist who resides in Alon Shvut. Demonstrators entered his property and rioted in his yard. His wife, Meira, described the incident as a “pogrom” and compared it to “Kristallnacht.”

According to media reports that have not been disputed, the protesters planned the action in advance and intended to intimidate a sitting Supreme Court justice, an institution that constitutes one of the foundational pillars of representative democracy and the separation of powers.

A police vehicle stationed nearby, staffed by two officers, did not intervene. Their explanation was simple: they were outnumbered. This is deeply troubling. The police had a duty to order the crowd to disperse and to make clear the legal consequences of trespassing on private property. The failure to act transformed the incident into something larger than a local disturbance. It became a defining moment.

The next time the public reads about law enforcement standing aside while a mob intimidates public officials, they should remember the attack on Justice Sohlberg’s home. This is what the erosion of state authority looks like. In societies where multiple groups harbor grievances against public institutions, patterns of violence are quickly replicated by other groups. Israel is precisely such a society.

2. Political Leaders Visiting Draft Evaders

On June 7, senior ultra-Orthodox politicians visited Haredi draft evaders imprisoned at Military Prison No. 10 after refusing to comply with military service requirements.

Among the visitors were Aryeh Deri, chairman of Shas, and Yitzhak Goldknopf, chairman of United Torah Judaism. During the visit, Deri referred to the Attorney General as a “dismissed anarchist,” while Goldknopf declared that “reality must change.”

This episode illustrates why the internal threat is real. Deri, one of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s closest political allies, effectively rejects Israeli law regarding military recruitment quotas. There is no other reasonable interpretation. He prioritizes Torah study over military service, despite benefiting from the very state whose security depends upon those who serve.

This is not a government guided by liberal free-market principles. Rather, it increasingly resembles a system of differential welfare politics that channels billions of shekels into Haredi communities whose educational frameworks often leave many participants ill-prepared for economic self-sufficiency in a rapidly advancing technological age.

Neither Deri nor Goldknopf conceals his objective. Both seek to reshape Israeli society. Their vision is one of a more religious, more conservative, and significantly less liberal state. A state, in which democratic norms, including aspects of women’s rights, may be subordinated to religious authority.

Whether one agrees or disagrees with that vision, it represents a profound challenge to Israel’s current character as both a Jewish and democratic state.

3. Calls for Violence Against Secular Israelis

On June 7, reports emerged from a conference of rabbis opposed to Haredi military service. During the gathering, Rabbi Yitzhak Ratzabi, a leading figure within Yemenite ultra-Orthodox circles, reportedly declared that “if secular Jews remain secular when the Messiah arrives, we will have to stone them properly. It is a commandment.”

This is not merely inflammatory rhetoric. It is a call that legitimizes violence in pursuit of a political objective: overturning state policies that require military service and replacing them with a religious order based on rabbinic authority.

One does not need expertise in civil-military relations to recognize that the Israeli military is no longer perceived by many as the “people’s army.” Yet that broader debate should not distract from the significance of the statement itself: a prominent rabbi publicly invoking violence against secular citizens.

Some may dismiss such remarks as symbolic or fringe rhetoric. That would be a mistake. History demonstrates that highly motivated individuals can convince themselves that religious prophecies are unfolding in real time. Under such circumstances, words can become actions.

The attack on Justice Sohlberg’s home suggests that the transition from rhetoric to intimidation is already underway.

Political Backing and the Normalization of Violence

Constructivist theory teaches us that political realities are socially constructed. It also helps explain how violence becomes normalized as a legitimate means of achieving political objectives.

The rise of Haredi political violence is inseparable from the political support it receives. When law enforcement fails to act decisively, and Israelis still remember images of police officers kissing the hands of rabbis rather than enforcing COVID-19 restrictions, the message becomes clear: different rules apply to different groups.

As a result, behaviours that once would have been condemned increasingly become normalized. Street violence, intimidation campaigns, and even rhetoric advocating harm against secular Israelis are no longer viewed by segments within the Haredi communities’ exceptional events. They are becoming part of the political landscape.

Looking Ahead

Within months, Israelis may once again head to the polls. Election campaigns are periods of heightened tension, often accompanied by verbal and occasionally physical confrontations.

One can only hope that the incidents witnessed in recent months do not serve as a prelude to something more serious. If they do, however, those who have carefully observed the behaviour of a cohesive, politically powerful, and deeply religious community willing to use pressure and confrontation to achieve its goals should not be surprised.

The warning signs are already visible.

About the Author

Prof. Gadi Hitman is Chair of the Department of Middle Eastern Studies and Political Science at Ariel University and an expert of political violence.