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Simon Kupfer

Ben Gvir’s return has red flags in all the wrong places

Netanyahu's willingness to reappoint the Otzma Yehudit chairman is reflective of a broader trend: political survival, at any cost
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, center, embraces National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir as ministers attend a meeting on the planned state budget, in the Knesset in Jerusalem, May 23, 2023. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, center, embraces National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir as ministers attend a meeting on the planned state budget, in the Knesset in Jerusalem, May 23, 2023. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision to reinstate far-right politician Itamar Ben Gvir as national security minister marks a truly troubling moment in Israeli politics: despite clear objections from Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara, along with Ben Gvir’s controversial record of combining politics with policing, the cabinet unanimously voted to restore him to his position.

Ben Gvir’s return to the government came after months of political manoeuvring, having pulled his Otzma Yehudit party from the coalition in objection to the ceasefire and hostage-prisoner deal with Hamas. His reappointment now follows the resumption of Israeli military operations in Gaza, which Ben Gvir framed as a justification for returning to government, posting on social media: ‘Together in strength, for the sake of the people of Israel.’ Says the man who actively opposes the general will of the people of Israel: what does it say if you threaten resignation because a deal for the hostages to return is reached after months of government failures?

Netanyahu’s political calculus is overwhelmingly evident in this decision. In bringing Ben Gvir back into the fold, the PM salvages the stability of his coalition, particularly given that this is a time when internal divisions threaten to derail his legislative agenda altogether. Otzma Yehudit’s return, therefore, gives Netanyahu just a few centimetres of breathing room, facing pressure at the same time from Haredi parties over budget allocations for an ultra-Orthodox population that is predicted to, by 2050, comprise half of Israel’s overall population.

What Netanyahu has failed to consider – or, at least, act upon – is the array of strong objections from the Attorney General, who cautioned that the appointment was legally unsound: ‘from a legal perspective, it is not possible to appoint Minister Itamar Ben Gvir as national security minister at this time.’ To give an example of why Ben Gvir perhaps is not the most suitable for the assignment; in late 2024, the High Court ruled that Ben Gvir had overstepped his authority in his intervention in operational decisions, and his politicization of police appointments. Former Police Commissioner Kobi Shabtai alleged that Ben Gvir had instructed officers to ignore cabinet orders concerning the protection of humanitarian aid convoys to Gaza.

Baharav-Miara, however, was not met with applause: Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar – who, slightly ironically, appointed Baharav-Miara in 2022 – likened her actions to Japanese kamikaze pilots during the Second World War. Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi dismissed her with fewer analogies: her ‘professional opinion doesn’t interest anyone, especially not an elected government working in the name of the people.’ Justice Minister Yariv Levin, already a longtime critic of the Attorney General, has already set in motion a process to remove her from office. Keep in mind that this would eliminate one of the few remaining checks on Netanyahu’s increasingly autocratic tendencies.

In recent months, tensions with ultra-Orthodox parties over budget allocations and military service exemptions have threatened to unravel the government. Ben Gvir’s track record of inflammatory rhetoric and hardline policies has deepened already profound divisions within Israeli society. His appointment will likely embolden the far right, escalating tensions with Palestinian communities as a product of their ideas. His previous tenure as national security minister was marked by aggressive policing of anti-government protests and increased confrontations at sensitive religious sites: such a man who claims he is ‘together in strength, for the sake of the people of Israel’ has done little but escalate disputes, weakening Israel not just militarily, but in the view of global institutions, too. Israel’s already strained diplomatic relations have become increasingly complicated in the last few weeks, the resumption of the war in Gaza, contentious both at home and abroad, contributing to this greatly. The Biden administration privately expressed concern about Ben Gvir’s influence within the government, while European governments (openly) criticized his inflammatory rhetoric. What will this next round bring?

Netanyahu’s willingness to reappoint Ben Gvir is reflective of a broader trend: political survival, at any cost. The PM’s reliance on far-right elements to maintain the power he clings to so desperately has empowered extremists, marginalized the more moderate of speakers, and completely reshaped the landscape of Israeli politics.

There is one thing that we can be sure of, though: The legal and political fallout will be significant. The outcome of Netanyahu’s political gamble will shape Israel’s future, and the strength of its democratic foundations, for years.

About the Author
English writer exploring Zionism, diaspora, and what makes a democracy. Contributor to the Times of Israel, Haaretz and other platforms.
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