Bennett and Liberman Must End the Palestinian Mess

Naftali Bennett and Avigdor Lieberman correctly reject diplomatic fantasy, but turning that rejection into hard-nosed architecture requires shattering the West’s favorite delusions. For decades, the archaic Israeli foreign policy establishment chased the mirage of a centralized Palestinian state, creating nothing but regional toxicity. Gaza became a terrorist enclave, while Judea and Samaria decayed into a corrupt kleptocracy. Solving this crisis requires abandoning state-centric Western paradigms and constructing an alternative framework based entirely on ground-level sociological realities. Let’s be honest: artificial boundaries cannot outlast tribal identities and the Palestinians—for good or bad—are condemned to this fate.

In Gaza, Israel must transform the Strip into an international free city under real regional Arab administration. The Jewish state should invite the Abraham Accords signatories—mainly the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco—to assume full administrative control of the enclave. This framework completely eviscerates Western intermediaries, UNRWA, and European subsidies that historically enabled Palestinian rejectionism and funded Iranian proxies. Responsibility for infrastructure, employment, and security must fall squarely on Arab shoulders. Western diplomats routinely lecture Jerusalem while funding institutions that perpetuate conflict. Forcing direct Arab ownership transfers the liability for failure onto those claiming to champion the cause, permanently draining the moral theater shielding Hamas.

In the West Bank, the mirage of a unitary state collapsed under the weight of Fatah’s failed state and Hamas’s fascist theocracy. Financial complicity bankrolled this ruin. Between 2012 and 2018, Qatar funneled over $1.1 billion into Gaza—a cash flow the Netanyahu government short-sightedly subsidized, eventually letting it swell to $1.8 billion. As Palestinian terrorist tendencies have permanently proved, these cash injections directly subsidized Hamas’s war machine, freeing up domestic resources to construct a 650-kilometer terror tunnel network and stockpile rockets. Fatah offers no democratic alternative; its decrepit leader, Mahmoud Abbas, is currently marking the 22nd year of his ‘four-year’ presidential term, choosing to institutionalize pay-for-slay bounties and systematic theft rather than face accountability at the ballot box.

The prostituted ‘Bibi Foreign Affairs Ministry’ behaves like a sleazy strip club, grinding on the main stage for the cheap tips of Western-style nationalism while completely ignoring that the real currency of Middle Eastern society is bought and paid for by tribal bloodlines. The data obliterates their delusion: a West Bank census revealed that nearly two-thirds of the population—and a staggering 76 percent of youth—loyally pledge allegiance to their clan over any fabricated Palestinian nation. Consequently, effective policy must ditch Western academic fantasy in favor of raw tribal sociology. If Israel wants stability, it must bypass the mirage of centralization entirely and cultivate autonomous city-emirates anchored by the region’s true power brokers: the Jaabari in Hebron, the Jarrar in Jenin, the Tuqan in Nablus, and the Barghouti in Ramallah.

Hebron already pioneered this pathway. In July 2025, five prominent sheiks led by Wadee’ al-Jaabari offered to recognize Israel as the Jewish nation-state, formally break from the corrupt Palestinian Authority, establish an independent Emirate of Hebron, and join the Abraham Accords. The State of Israel must seize this opening, rewarding cooperative clans with preferential labor permits, joint industrial zones, and robust security coordination.

Neighboring emirates will watch living standards rise as markets open. Clan jealousy and material deprivation will breed healthy competition. If a rejectionist emirate chooses to attack a cooperative neighbor, Israel must decisively back loyal local authorities and dismantle the aggressor’s military capacity. Ordinary Palestinians would finally gain accountable local governance free from the twin tyrannies of Hamas and Fatah, while the Jewish state retains serious overriding security control.

Simultaneously, the State of Israel must immediately apply sovereignty where domestic consensus exists. Begin with Ma’ale Adumim, Jerusalem’s extension protecting eastern approaches. Proceed to Ariel and Gush Etzion, the strategic high-ground belt shielding Highway 1 and Route 60. Conclude with the Jordan Valley, Israel’s only defensible eastern frontier and the primary chokepoint preventing Iranian weapons smuggling. These zones overlook the Coastal Plain, home to 70 percent of Israel’s population. With 541,000 Jews living across Judea, Samaria, and the Jordan Valley, formal sovereignty merely converts undeniable facts into permanent law.

History proves that local administration works when properly backed. Between 1978 and 1984, Israel attempted to empower clan-based Village Leagues as a moderate alternative to PLO nationalism. Nonetheless, these thugs’ intimidation tactics crushed these local empowerment efforts while the international community looked away. Today, both Hamas and the Palestinian Authority have utterly exhausted their legitimacy, whereas Gulf emirates prove that family-based governance delivers tangible stability. The Village Leagues were simply a premature concept; the emirates model arrives precisely as centralized experiments collapse.

To execute this strategic shift impeccably, three unyielding operational principles must govern Israeli policy. First, Jerusalem must establish a metrics-driven ‘Loyalty Index’ to audit terrorist incidents, dual-use smuggling, and economic integration into Western and Abraham Accords markets. Access to critical infrastructure, maritime ports, and Israeli work permits must scale automatically according to this mathematical formula, effectively strangling rejectionist factions. Second, Israel must legally codify Gaza’s status as an exclusive Arab administration subject to absolute institutional exclusion from the Israeli state. Finally, the Knesset must pass sovereignty legislation that moves in lockstep with the formal recognition of cooperative local clans. This cutting-edge framework starves terrorists of resources, fragments any unified eastern front, and denies the Iranian bloody Mullahs a single viable Palestinian proxy.

Political realists like Naftali Bennett and Avigdor Lieberman represent the future of Israel’s national security. Thus, it is time for them to open their eyes and clearly commit to dismantling the disastrous Netanyahu strategy of management-by-inertia—a policy of ‘doing nothing and feeding the beast’ that directly invited the slaughter of October 7.

Instead of wasting millions on a useless army of digital ‘influencers’ to fight an asymmetric PR war against enemies whose hatred is unalterable, Israel must realize that strength, not soft power, dictates regional deterrence. Jerusalem’s next generation of leadership must immediately master this looming chaotic vacuum rather than simply managing the decline. If we, the Jewish People, want our long-yearned-for country to survive 100 more years, this is our final opportunity to execute a strategy of strength before our adversaries successfully weaponize Western diplomatic betrayal to engineer the permanent pariah status they want to impose upon us.