Shulamit S. Magnus
Jewish historian

Between the Available Alternatives There is Definitely Better and Worse

Between the certainty of what a continued Netanyahu government means—we have, after all, been there and done that, including repeat elections that drain the country’s finances and soul

 

—and genuine concerns about participation in the government, not of Mansour Abbas/Raam, but of the Joint List, which does not recognize the State, however much it participates in Knesset; a party that so does not recognize the State, it doesn’t even accept civic service, sherut leumi– serving in hospitals, old age homes, schools, animal sanctuaries—in lieu of army service–

in all this, sharing the position of the haredi parties that serve in government routinely, including in security posts–

Between these two options, there are far, far greater resources to construct workable arrangements about #2 than #1.

Many have already laid these out. Parliamentary, governing structures that give all members of the government say in domestic policy while reserving external security matters to parties that recognize the State and back compulsory service for all. Limits that don’t exist now regarding the haredi parties.

These are the choices.

There is no alternative under which Netanyahu continues to rule that is compatible with any of the core goals of the parties that ran in opposition to his regime, with the goals of  their voters, or with the immediate, urgent needs of the country and this society:

–Immediate authorization of a state commission of inquiry into Oct. 7;

–Ending sectoral draft exemption breaded with billions of shekels in bribing handouts and instituting a clear policy: universal service and no subsidies for any able and required to serve who don’t;

–Rollback of anti-constitutional laws that concentrate power in the executive and gut separation of powers and the balance of powers between the branches of government; rollback of laws that gut the rule of constitutional law and the oversight function of the Supreme Court– which– oversight over the legality of government actions– is its FUNDAMENTAL function, THE function of a – Supreme Court; rollback of laws that impede freedom of the press and of speech and assembly;

– Moving ahead with judicial and other appointments critical to the basic functioning of this country that Netanyahu’s government has blocked as part of its judicial and legislative coup.

The immediate priority of the Arab-majority parties, as they have made very clear, is effective policy to protect their constituents from rampant organized crime and family violence. That is what they seek and is their absolute right and the government’s obligation to provide ALL citizens: a professional police force that serves the security needs of ALL of us.

We are at a difficult pass now, made infinitely more difficult by years of systematic racist incitement, which this government is now ramping up horrifically, including with illegal manipulation of state security organs in cooked “investigations” of alleged vote fraud by Arab citizens, the allegations having been concocted before the election.

I am not among those who say that all the objections to and fear of participation of the Joint List in government is racist. There are real issues.

As well as generalized, stoked, anti-Arab, racist incitement that Netanyahu and his partners use to keep him and them in power indefinitely and us, imprisoned in endlessly stoked suspicion, fear, and hostility.

There are real, practical, implementable solutions that address real concerns we share as a society and get us to a government that addresses real problems rationally, professionally, with real solutions. To cite one pertinent example: the successful anti-violence policy that Yoav Segalovich, number two on Raam’s list, implemented in the Bennett-Lapid government as Deputy Minister of Public Security. There is a reason that Mansour Abbas put him in that position—second only to Abbas. That is where the priority is, just as they say it is: first and foremost, reining in rampant violence and giving people basic security in our homes and on the streets.

So, today, we get a photo of a retired major general with a long combat record; a quiet, get the job done, save-lives-hero of Oct. 7; head-on-straight leader of the Democrats party, the only one to have said all along that Mansour Abbas/ Raam are governing partners—

Yair Golan, sitting opposite the Joint Arab List, its party head and Knesset faction leader. People who don’t recognize the State of Israel or agree to alternative national service in hospitals, old age homes, schools, nature preserves, animal sanctuaries—

and they, sit opposite him– not exactly their preferred partner, either—

to try to, tachlis, work out something that works.

Because, boker tov, everyone: THAT IS POLITICS.

Not whom you love or even agree with.

Just– enough mutual interests that you make deals with them.

As we would do with “moderate” Sunni states around us if we had someone semi-competent in charge.

Do I trust Yair Golan to work something out and present it to Gadi Eisenkot?

Yes, I do.

Will the rest of them take it?

Lieberman already nixes it, playing some game—now with the haredi parties-? that ends with– him anointed-?

Back to reality we can and should attain.

Not ideal. Far from it.

Just demonstratively, eons better than the alternative.

 

About the Author
Shulamit S. Magnus Professor Emerita of Jewish Studies and History at Oberlin College. She is the author of five published books and numerous articles on Jewish modernity and the history of Jewish women, and winner of a National Jewish Book award and other prizes. Her latest book, Jewish Marital Captivity: The Past, Present, and End of a Historic Abuse, is the first history of agunot and iggun from medieval times to the present, across the Jewish map. It also assesses and critiques current policy on Jewish marital captivity in the US and Israel and makes proposals to end this abuse. See the website devoted to full, accurate, and honest information about the source of this abuse and how to end it: https://www.projectmiriam.org. She is a founder of women's group prayer at the Kotel and first-named plaintiff on a case before the Supreme Court of Israel seeking enforcement of Jewish women's already-recognized right to read Torah at the Kotel. Her opinions have been published in the Forward, Tablet, EJewish Philanthropy, Moment, the Times of Israel, Haaretz, and the Jerusalem Post.
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