Beyond Bridges and Times
Thirteen years ago, when Pope Benedict XVI announced that he would leave the See of Rome, I wrote an article occasioned by another anniversary that, at the time, received surprisingly little attention: the seventeen hundred years of the Edict of Milan. The Christian world was understandably absorbed by the resignation of the Bishop of Rome, yet another question quietly remained in the background. What had Christianity become after seventeen centuries of freedom? Had we gradually identified the Church with the historical forms that had sustained her, or were we still capable of recognising the apostolic movement that had first brought the Gospel into the world?
Time has not diminished that question. Benedict XVI has since entered into the communion of those who have gone before us. Pope Francis has completed a pontificate that repeatedly invited the Church to rediscover herself from her geographical and human peripheries. Pope Leo XIV now begins his ministry while Christians throughout the world commemorate the seventeen hundredth anniversary of the Council of Nicaea. Meanwhile, the Orthodox Churches continue to face difficult questions concerning communion, primacy and national identity. The ancient Patriarchates of the Middle East live under the daily pressure of war, migration and survival.
Today the Mare Nostrum has returned to public discourse under very different circumstances. It evokes migration routes, naval rivalries, energy corridors and strategic interests. Yet Christianity first knew this sea as a place of encounter. Even then, however, it was never the final horizon. Peter and Paul themselves did not remain within the Mediterranean basin. Their missionary vocation already pointed beyond it, towards worlds that neither the Roman Empire nor the Pentarchy could ultimately contain. Before long, Christians were praying in Syriac beyond the Euphrates, in Ge’ez south of Egypt, on the Malabar coast of India and, centuries later, in lands that no bishop gathered at Nicaea could ever have imagined. Today the same apostolic movement reaches equally towards the Arctic, Tasmania and Amazonia. The geography has changed; the Gospel has not.
Shimon bar Yonah was a Galilean fisherman whose mother tongue was Aramaic and whose life had been shaped by the villages surrounding the Lake of Galilee. Shaul of Tarsus belonged to another intellectual and cultural world. Formed within the traditions of Israel and educated in the wider Hellenistic environment, he would later describe himself as one “born out of due time” (hōsperei tō ektrōmati; 1 Corinthians 15:8), recalling that he had first persecuted the very Church he would eventually serve. Peter would confess Christ before denying Him; Paul would persecute Christ before proclaiming Him. Neither begins his apostolic ministry from strength. Both begin with mercy.
Perhaps this is why Paul simply speaks of Peter, James and John as “the pillars” (styloi) of the Church (Galatians 2:9). Pillars do not exist for themselves. They bear a weight entrusted to them.
The Gospel itself quietly prevents us from transforming Peter into an untouchable hero.
Jesus never called him Peter.
He called him Kaypha.
Saint John carefully preserves the original Aramaic: “You are Simon the son of John; you shall be called Cephas“—which is translated Peter (John 1:42). It would have been easy for the Evangelists simply to use the Greek Petros throughout. Instead, they deliberately allow the Semitic world of the Gospel to remain audible.
Within that same Semitic world another Kaypha unexpectedly appears.
The High Priest before whom Jesus is brought during His Passion bears exactly the same Aramaic name (Matthew 26:57).
For many years this detail accompanied conversations I was privileged to have with Fathers Michel van Esbroeck and Frans Van Cangh, while Hans Urs von Balthasar’s remarkable Einsame Zwiesprache mit Martin Buber remained one of those books to which I constantly returned. The more one listens to the Semitic texture of the Gospel, the more difficult it becomes to dismiss this shared name as a mere coincidence.
One Kaypha interrogates Jesus before the Sanhedrin.
The other confesses Him at Caesarea Philippi: “You are the Messiah, the Son of the living God” (Matthew 16:16).
Yet the same disciple who utters this confession will soon deny his Master before the servant girl’s fire (Matthew 26:69–75). The Gospel therefore refuses to oppose a guilty High Priest to an innocent Apostle. Both Kayphas stand before Christ in their frailty. The Church is not built upon an impeccable man but upon one who has been forgiven.
The mystery deepens still further.
Jesus addresses him as Shimon bar Yonah—Simon, son of Jonah (Matthew 16:17). Christians generally hear only a patronymic, whereas Scripture itself suggests a wider horizon. Jonah is the reluctant prophet who flees his vocation, descends into the depths, passes through darkness and is finally returned to announce repentance to those whom he never wished to serve (Jonah 1–3). Peter’s own life strangely follows that same movement. His confession leads to fear, his fear to denial, his denial to tears, and his tears to restoration. His vocation is not abolished by failure; it is purified through it.
Nor does Israel remember only one Simon. Ben Sirach praises Simon the High Priest, who restored the worship of Israel and gathered the people once more before the Presence of God, pronouncing the priestly blessing over the assembly (Sirach 50:1–24). Scripture thus gathers it into Christ Himself, who entrusts the keys of the Kingdom to Peter (Matthew 16:19) not because he has proved himself incapable of failure, but because divine mercy always entrusts more than human judgement considers reasonable.
Perhaps that is where every reflection on the Church must begin—not with power or precedence, but with the astonishing freedom by which Christ continues to build His Body through those whom He has first restored.
