Drafting the ultra-Orthodox is an act of survival, not a choice

Israel is no stranger to political crisis. In the last month, we have seen moves for the dismissal of the head of the Shin Bet and attorney general, the resumption of the war in Gaza following the ceasefire, and the return of Ben Gvir. Perhaps, though, one of the most contentious issues facing the average Israeli citizen is not security threats of coalition infighting – not to be underestimated by any means – but the question of military service for the Haredim.

While most Haredi politicians fiercely and vocally oppose any efforts to draft their community, there are some that challenge the narrative that such an opposition to national service reflects the will of all Haredim. The idea that the Haredi world in its entirety is steadfastly opposed to serving in the IDF is a myth, and it is one that some argue is long overdue for dismantling, given that Haredi leaders have defended their exemption from military service for decades. Their argument is that the study of Torah is no less vital to Israel’s survival than the soldiers who actively fight for the land on the front lines.

This debate stems, in part, from changes already underway in Haredi society. Despite ardent opposition from entrenched leaders who refuse to deviate from the ways of the past, some Haredi schools have – albeit quietly – introduced some form of secular education into their curriculum. These MAMAH institutions (an acronym for ‘core education’ in Hebrew) continue to slowly gain traction, and in doing so, produce graduates better equipped for employment in the modern-day, secular Israeli world – and, crucially, much less socially isolated.

This shift is not alone. The same evolution continues to happen with attitudes towards military service. While some public figures in the Haredi world do indeed denounce conscription as an existential threat to their way of life (if your ‘way of life’ endangers the only country willing to provide taxpayer money to pay for your studies, it’s most likely time to make a change), there are others who acknowledge, be it privately or publicly, that a controlled enlistment may be necessary. For more on this, see the Times of Israel’s interview with Rabbi David Leybel in yesterday’s Daily Briefing.

The IDF’s growing need for manpower, along with its security situation, leaves no room for ideological stubbornness – but such arguments face resistance. Haredi politicians, being heavily dependent on the trust of their constituents to remain in power, have weaponised their opposition to conscription as somewhat of a political tool. The draft reform is, as they view it, a direct assault on the religious freedom of their yeshiva students. Politically, this is understandable – for Haredi leaders, any shift they would make on the draft issue risks undermining the very foundation of their authority. And, if a politician has no authority, who will vote for him?

The question we must be asking ourselves is, then, how to implement meaningful, lasting change without sparking a great social upheaval – if it isn’t already occurring: Haredim and secular Israelis both hold large protests for their respective views on the Haredi draft. Some propose a phased approach; to develop military units designed specifically to accommodate lifestyle requirements of the Haredim, while maintaining a respectful dialogue with religious leaders. Such initiatives, too, already exist – take, for instance, the Netzach Yehuda battalion in the Kfir Brigade – but their number remains pitifully small. From a pragmatic perspective, this could work: it is a viable solution, one that respects Haredi values and addresses Israel’s legitimate security needs at the same time.

Equally important, too, is cooperation on the part of the government. Past attempts to impose sweeping reforms on the Haredi community have largely failed, often instead backfiring. The goal, though, isn’t to force young men studying in yeshivas into combat overnight – indeed, to attempt such an endeavour would be to jeopardise Israel’s security even further with a mass of soldiers entirely untrained to fight – but to instead create a social contract between the IDF and the Haredim, without alienating the latter. Now, one might point out that government policy on this issue has been inconsistent as best, and that the lack of a coherent, long-term strategy has only exacerbated the divide, but this merely serves as evidence for how far a bridge there is to cross. And the stakes are high.

As tensions continue to rise between Haredi leaders and the mostly secular, Israeli public, to mishandle this issue risks worsening social divisions already at their limits. Many Israelis and Jews feel a growing resentment toward a community that avoids its national responsibility, allowing their brothers and sisters of Israel to fight and die while they study in safe and warm yeshivas. And they’re right. But bridging this gap requires a mutual understanding, and the recognition that there’s no quick-fix solution here – but that isn’t an excuse for political paralysis.

Decades ago, when Haredim first gained exemption from service, it was believed that the Haredi world was simply too fragile to withstand conscription. That mindset, though, no longer applies. The question is no longer whether Haredim can serve, it’s how best to integrate the few who are willing. The status quo is no longer sustainable, with Israel’s National Economic Council predicting that by 2050, Haredi citizens will comprise a third of the total Israeli population. A third of the country will be out of work, out of the military and on government benefits. This is not a sustainable business model.

In a nation where service in the military is widely seen as a rite of passage of sorts, and a source of collective identity, the question of Haredi enlistment has become about far more than logistics, instead furthering itself towards being the kind of society that Israel aims to be. The Israeli public – or most of them anyway – is ready for change – we must now question whether the political leadership is willing to meet such a moment. National security is a collective responsibility – it is time for Haredim to contribute.