Gatekeepers, Then and Now

In a few cryptic verses, Megillat Esther tells the story of Bigtan and Seresh, two of the king’s gatekeepers (lit. shomrei ha’saf) who became angry with King Achashverosh, and plotted to get rid of him.  Mordechai uncovered their plot, and reported it to Queen Esther, who reported it to Achashverosh, and Bigtan and Seresh were killed. Why were Bigtan and Seresh so angry? What drove them to plan a coup d’etat? The Megillah is completely silent on these key details, but the rabbis filled in the blanks. Midrash Esther Rabba relates that Bigtan and Seresh were two of King Achashverosh’s trusted advisors. After Esther married Achashverosh, Mordechai was appointed as an advisor to the King as well. Bigtan and Seresh were part of the old élite, and felt threatened that they were going to be replaced by the Persian Jew, Mordechai.  Rather than accept that their time had passed, Bigtan and Seresh instead decided to overthrow the government. Sound familiar?

Twenty-four hundred years later, and a thousand miles to the east, the same scene is unfolding in Jerusalem.  The unelected shomrei ha’saf (gatekeepers) of modern Israel, the Gali Baharav-Miaras and Ronen Bars and Yitschak Amits are also the old élite who also feel threatened that they are being replaced (also, largely by Eastern Jews). Instead of accepting that their time has passed, for the last two years, they have fought a rear-guard action to replace the government they purport to serve.

Nearly every government policy, from the hostage negotiations to personnel decisions to war strategy to economic decisions were blocked by these gatekeepers. Sometimes the interference is relatively inconsequential, such as when Baharav-Miara informed the government that it was  “illegal” to nominate Roi Kahalon as the Civil Service Commissioner notwithstanding his fifteen years of experience in the State Attorney’s Office. Sometimes the interference is highly consequential, such as the serial leaking by Ronen Bar from the hostage negotiations to sympathetic media outlets. The bottom line is that there is an unending battle between the elected government and its employees that are tasked with implementing the government’s policies.

A government cannot function like this in normal times, but the toll of this obstructionism is particularly severe during times of national emergency. As Israel confronts threats on seven fronts, the government is forced to divert precious time and resources to internal battles that should be unnecessary in a functioning democracy. Cabinet meetings are exercises in navigating bureaucratic traps rather than forums for strategic decision-making. Military operations are compromised by delays and leaks. Diplomatic initiatives are undermined by contradictory messages from unelected officials. The level of dysfunction makes the ancient Persian bureaucracy look positively modern in comparison.

The hostage negotiations offer a particularly troubling example. When every hour matters for those in captivity, the government has been forced to contend not only with Hamas’s intransigence but also with officials who deliberately undermine negotiating positions through strategic leaks. These actions do not serve the hostages; they serve only to preserve the influence of those who see their power waning.

Yet, even Bigtan and Seresh could not maintain their grasp on power forever. The old élite, whether in 4th century BCE Persia, or in modern-day Israel, inevitably gives way to new voices and perspectives. The modern-day gatekeepers fail to understand that their resistance only delays the inevitable. The demographic, cultural, and political shifts in Israeli society cannot be reversed through their bureaucratic obstruction. The Israel of tomorrow will not be governed by the same narrow élite that has dominated its institutions for decades.

Like Bigtan and Seresh before them, today’s gatekeepers will find that no amount of obstruction can permanently halt the tide of change. The question is not whether the old élite will be replaced, but whether they will accept this transition or be remembered like those ancient Persian officials—as footnotes in a larger story of renewal and complete victory.