Ed Gaskin

Gaza Can Work: The Economic Case No One Makes

This column is part of a series exploring whether Gaza can be rebuilt in a way that produces lasting stability rather than recurring war. Inspired by Jonathan Feldstein’s provocative question—“Is Jesus the solution for Gaza?”—the series examines what moral reconstruction, trauma healing, and dignity-centered development might mean for Israeli security, Palestinian life, and the future of the region.


Gaza Can Work: The Economic Case No One Makes

One of the quiet assumptions underlying decades of policy toward Gaza is that it will never truly work.

Not just politically. Economically.

Gaza is often treated as a permanent humanitarian problem—something to be managed, subsidized, contained, but not fundamentally transformed. The expectation of failure has become so normalized that proposals for economic viability are dismissed as naïve before they are examined.

That assumption is not only wrong. It is dangerous.

A Gaza that cannot function economically will remain a permanent security risk—regardless of military success.

Economic Collapse Is a Security Condition

Poverty alone does not cause violence. But economic collapse combined with trauma and institutional failure creates a powerful accelerant.

In Gaza, economic life has been reduced to survival. Youth unemployment has hovered at catastrophic levels. Private enterprise is stunted. Mobility is constrained. Long-term planning is nearly impossible.

In such an environment, militant groups do not have to outcompete opportunity. They simply have to replace its absence.

When legal economies fail, illicit and militant economies expand by default. This is why economics is not an afterthought to security. It is one of its foundations.

Gaza’s Problem Is Not Geography

It is tempting to think of Gaza as uniquely doomed—too small, too crowded, too isolated.

History suggests otherwise. Places once dismissed as unviable—from post-war South Korea to post-conflict Northern Ireland—stabilized only when economic life became predictable again.

Gaza’s location on the Mediterranean, its proximity to Israeli, Egyptian, and regional markets, and its young, educated population are not liabilities. They are dormant assets.

What has been missing is not potential, but a framework capable of activating it.

Dependency Is Not Neutral

Humanitarian aid is essential in emergencies. But when aid becomes the primary economic engine, it produces unintended consequences.

Dependency weakens local institutions. It crowds out private initiative. It reinforces grievance narratives. And it leaves societies permanently vulnerable to shocks.

In Gaza, aid has often functioned as a floor—but never as a ladder.

An economy that cannot generate dignity, employment, and future-oriented opportunity will not stabilize, no matter how much aid flows through it.

What “Predictability” Actually Means

A viable Gaza economy does not require miracles. It requires predictability.

Predictability means that access rules do not change weekly, contracts are enforceable, workers can plan beyond tomorrow, and violence is no longer the primary economic disruptor.

A working Gaza would not be a high-tech miracle or a tourist utopia. It would be something far more modest—and more powerful: a place where people can plan, invest, and imagine a future without violence as the organizing principle.

That means:

  • functioning ports and logistics corridors

  • special economic zones with enforceable rules

  • light manufacturing and services tied to regional supply chains

  • renewable energy and water infrastructure

  • digital and remote-service industries less dependent on physical movement

None of this is revolutionary. It is standard development practice—applied where it has rarely been allowed to function.

Why This Matters for Israel

For Israel, a functioning Gaza economy is not a gesture of goodwill. It is a stability mechanism.

Economic predictability raises the domestic cost of escalation and lowers the social return on violence. It strengthens civilian institutions relative to armed actors and reduces the appeal of groups that thrive on disruption.

An economy that works does not guarantee peace. But an economy that does not work virtually guarantees instability.

Israel has learned repeatedly that security environments improve when neighbors have something to lose.

Why This Has Failed Before

Previous economic initiatives in Gaza have struggled not because the idea of economic development was flawed, but because it was never insulated from political volatility.

Investments were short-term. Rules were unclear. Access was unpredictable. Projects were constantly reset by conflict.

Under those conditions, capital flees, entrepreneurship withers, and the economy reverts to survival mode.

The lesson is not that Gaza cannot work. It is that without insulation from political shock, economic development in Gaza was never allowed to compound.

Economics Without Dignity Fails Too

Economic growth alone is not enough.

An economy perceived as humiliating will not stabilize, no matter how many jobs it produces. Growth that reinforces inequality, dependency, or external control deepens resentment rather than resilience.

This is where economic development intersects with moral reconstruction. People invest in systems they perceive as legitimate. They defend institutions that respect them.

Dignity is not a moral add-on; it is an economic variable.

The Strategic Implication

The choice is not between aid and growth, or between security and economics.

It is between an economy that reinforces dependency and grievance, and one that supports predictability and restraint.

Absent economic function, every ceasefire simply resets the conditions for the next collapse.

A Gaza that works economically is not a utopian vision. It is a strategic requirement if the cycle of conflict is ever to weaken rather than harden.

What Comes Next

If Gaza can work economically, the remaining constraint is not money or design, but people—especially how moral energy among the young, globally and locally, is directed.

That is where the series turns next.

About the Author
Ed Gaskin attends Temple Beth Elohim in Wellesley, Massachusetts and Roxbury Presbyterian Church in Roxbury, Mass. He has co-taught a course with professor Dean Borman called, “Christianity and the Problem of Racism” to Evangelicals (think Trump followers) for over 25 years. Ed has an M. Div. degree from Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary and graduated as a Martin Trust Fellow from MIT’s Sloan School of Management. He has published several books on a range of topics and was a co-organizer of the first faith-based initiative on reducing gang violence at the National Press Club in Washington DC. In addition to leading a non-profit in one of the poorest communities in Boston, and serving on several non-profit advisory boards, Ed’s current focus is reducing the incidence of diet-related disease by developing food with little salt, fat or sugar and none of the top eight allergens. He does this as the founder of Sunday Celebrations, a consumer-packaged goods business that makes “Good for You” gourmet food.
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