How Religious Affiliation Informs Political Behavior: Some Jewish Reflections

According to a Gallup Study of the 2020 election, one’s religious beliefs correlates with their vote; the data referenced identified specific religious constituencies, noting that the degree of religiosity aligned with their political behavior and voting preferences.

There are numerous other studies designed to examine the impact of religion on voting behavior. Most definitive within this research is the reoccurring idea that one’s religiosity is a predictor of voting behavior. Scholars define “religiosity” as based on church (synagogue/mosque) attendance and biblical adherence and literacy.

However, religion’s role and influence appears to be on the decline. For example, three decades ago, voters who identified as “Christian” accounted for 90% of the electorate, today only 63% identity as such.

White Evangelical voters are clearly the “most Republican” of any religious sector, but mainline Protestant white voters “lean” Republican as do white Catholics. Of all Christian groups, only African American Protestants represent a Democratic majority. Inside the Jewish community, Orthodox voters parallel Evangelicals in their voting preferences, while liberal Jews identify as Democrats. “Religious Nones” are among the most liberal voters, based on these findings.

When examining the data associated with religion and politics, here then are the numbers:

   Religion                                   Group                         Voting Dem/Rep

It should be noted that those who identify as “Religious Nones” account for an increasing share of the electorate. In 2016 they comprised roughly 15% of the voter turn-out and overwhelmingly supported Hilary Clinton (67%).  That percentage of Democratic support increased to 72% in the 2020 campaign.

Among minority religious communities, there is evidence, especially among first and second generation voters, who seek the approval or acknowledgement of a particular class of voters, will emulate that cohort’s voting practices. Here, there is a connection between the perception of the minority religious voter that his/her level of patriotism is correlated by their choice of political party and/or candidate. Such voters believe that “being a Republican” (or conversely, “being a Democrat”) affirms their standing as a “loyal American”. A case example here involves the reaction of some voters to Donald Trump’s assertion that “Jews who vote Democratic are not loyal”.

Voting and party affiliation represent only one such measure of national loyalty. For example, the significantly high percentage of Jews who enrolled in US military service during war time provided another statement of Jewish patriotism.

Some political writers hold to the belief that the issue of church-state separation is a key factor in defining the Jewish vote, as efforts to infringe on this principle served to elevate Jewish concerns, where fears regarding the marginalization of Jews and Judaism emerge.

In trying to identify Jewish liberalism, Historian Henry Feingold offered the following:

Explanations for its persistence range from certainty that it is the continuing impact of humanistic values deeply embedded in scripture (Torah) to theories proffered by social psychologists related to Jewish social marginality.

Sociological data generally suggests that voters who are wealthier, better educated, and have higher-end job status tend to be Republican. Yet, such comparisons fail when identifying the majority of American Jewish voters. The Jewish political model provides a countercultural response to this premise. Noting Milton Himmelfarb’s 1960’s observation that “Jews live like Episcopalians but vote like Puerto Ricans,” we find a fundamentally different sociological framework in connection with Jewish political behavior.

Another aspect of religious engagement with politics was offered by sociologist Jonathan Woocher in coining the term “ the civil religion of American Jews” when defining late 20^th Century Jewish communal behavior. Here, American Jewish involvement with the public square involves advocating for both specific Jewish concerns and civic betterment. In this model Jewish tradition and history appear to inform and motivate political activism.

The Pew Religious Landscape Study provides further evidence concerning Jewish political behavior. For example, Republican Jews hold a deeper, more developed political ideology (55%) regarding the basis of their views, compared to Jewish Democrats (7%).

Examining Other Related Factors:

Religious identity and affiliation, however, represents but one factor in determining voter preference.  Political scientists point to gender, age, race, and culture as three other critical variables in defining voter behavior.

By gender, we find a distinction between Jewish men and women with reference to their party preference. By eight percentage points, Jewish women (54%) are more “liberal” than Jewish men (48%).

Younger American Jews tend to be more liberal than older Jews. For example, in a recent Pew Study, one finds that 60% of younger Jews (ages 18-29) and 53% of Jews (ages 30-49) identifying themselves as “liberal”. By comparison, only 45% of older Jews, ages 50-65 and over 65, describe themselves as such.

When accounting for education, those Jews with more years and degrees of education identify as “liberal”.  For example, Jews with post-graduate degrees (60%) are twice as likely as those with a high school diploma (31%) to be politically “liberal”.

End Notes:

There are a whole array of political studies designed to provide an analysis on why particular groups vote in a particular manner, as social scientist explore the various variables that serve to influence or impact voting behavior. Beyond religion, age, gender, income, education, and relationship networks, other research has focused on political beliefs, economic indicators, and information access (where folks obtain their news). The 2024 election promises to test all of these political theories concerning voting behaviors!