In a new democracy with no elections Jews and Palestinians could live together
If I were an Arab member of the Knesset, this is the speech I would give.
« Honorable Members of the Knesset,
For 78 years, millions of Palestinians have been denied Israeli citizenship for one reason alone: to prevent them from voting.
We all know that the vast majority of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip have never harbored hostile intentions, and do not harbor them today. Yet political opportunists—or worse, fanatics—would inevitably emerge to mobilize the Arab vote against the Jewish vote, undermining everything. And there would be no way to prevent this: that is how free elections work.
But if voting, and voting alone, stands in the way—if it prevents Jews and Palestinians from living together on the same land—then why not abolish elections? Would it not have been better for Israel never to have held elections than to deny citizenship to millions of people born on this land, thereby stirring an endless conflict?
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UN Resolution 181 required the new Jewish state to conform to the Western myth of electoral democracy and to hold elections within two months of independence. Yet Arabs and Bedouins accounted for approximately half of its residents. Surely that was no way to establish a Jewish state.
I believe it is reasonable to say that the UN entrusted that territory to the Jewish people, rather than to whoever might win the elections, and that its insistence on elections undermined that purpose.
What was needed then—and, in my view, is still needed today—is a constitution permanently establishing Israel as a one-party state, governed by the party of its founding fathers, with that principle beyond amendment.
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The 1947 territory was subsequently expanded following military aggression. Frankly, I do not see how the legitimacy of that expansion can be disputed. Had Israel been a one-party state without elections, this need never have become a source of conflict. I have no doubt that nearly all Palestinians would have welcomed the benefits of living in a well-governed state, something the Jewish people have demonstrated their ability to build. Political opportunists and fanatics would have had to work within the framework of Israel’s founding ideals.
Nor would Israel need to relinquish its celebrated status as a beacon of democracy in the Middle East. Israel could adopt a form of democracy considerably better than electoral democracy: one protected from political opportunism, fanaticism, lobbying and foreign interference.
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Honorable Members, I hope no one will take offence when I say that I do not believe for a moment that Israeli settlers who attack Palestinians in the West Bank are necessarily motivated by racism, still less that they should be regarded as criminals. In my view, they refuse to accept Palestinians as citizens with voting rights because they believe those votes would threaten the state.
Abolish elections in Israel, and peace will return to the West Bank.
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Honorable Members, if Israel were a one-party state faithful to the ideals of 1948, nothing would prevent it from annexing the West Bank and Gaza today and granting citizenship to all their residents.
Achieving the central ideal of 1948—providing Jews from around the world with a homeland in the land of their ancestors, a state belonging first and foremost to them—requires neither ethnic cleansing nor apartheid. A government appointed through a one-party system committed to that ideal would suffice.
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Nor would the need to compensate all those who have suffered losses over the past 78 years present an insurmountable obstacle. Lasting peace could take hold only if we provided compensation, through a consistent process and within a reasonable timeframe, to everyone deprived of their property or denied the right to live on their ancestral land.
The total would be enormous, but the necessary funds could be raised as the price of reconciliation and peace. If you will permit me a joke: expropriating Mr Elon Musk’s fortune might bring us close to the amount required.
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Another essential ideal of 1948 was that all citizens of the new state should enjoy full civil rights within a democratic society.
I therefore propose that a new Israeli constitution give the public—Jews and Palestinians alike—a permanent role in shaping a programme of government that reflects the will of ordinary people in every area essential to their well-being: justice, healthcare, security, taxation, employment, education, etc.
The government, appointed by the sole governing party, would retain full authority over military affairs and foreign policy, without being required to seek prior direction from citizens.
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Honorable Members, adopting this proposal would do more than bring peace. It would also bring our country a far more substantive form of democracy than the model the West got us accustomed to.
Making such a system a reality is possible. Academics and scholars around the world have spent decades developing an approach known as DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY.
If this assembly would do me the honor, I would welcome the opportunity to present a detailed account of how such a democracy could function—not merely as an aspiration, but as a practical possibility.
This new democracy would draw on the abilities and knowledge of its citizens. Our people certainly possess the talent and capacity it would require.
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May I respectfully suggest that this proposal also be brought to the attention of Hamas? It could perhaps serve as a starting point for genuine peace negotiations. »
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A POSSIBLE BREAKDOWN OF THE FUNCTIONAL MECHANISMS OF DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY
– A preliminary remark –
Many of you, upon hearing the following exposition, will likely think that the costs of running deliberative democracy would be high. However, the costs of today’s politics – which are also quite substantial – would be eliminated.
With one major advantage: ordinary citizens would replace politicians.
– 1 –
A dedicated state agency (hereinafter: GP Agency) orchestrates the writing of the government program by citizens.
The GP Agency selects citizens by lot from the electoral rolls, just as jurors are chosen. They work in groups of 5 to 7. As established by the State’s constitution, the government will be required to carry out the program they write.
The program is divided into PAGES: one PAGE for each major sector of public administration. Examples include state intervention in the economy (one or more PAGES), justice, healthcare, security, taxation, labour, education, etc.
To ensure that this program will truly embody what people want, THE SAME PAGE must be drafted independently by several hundred groups of 5 to 7. Given Israel’s population, the GP Agency appoints one citizen for every 3,000 registered voters.
The GP Agency assigns a facilitator, specially trained to foster teamwork, to each group.
– 2 –
Group members are summoned only once and must remain in session until their work is completed, so as to prevent undue outside influence.
Following a pre-set guideline and focusing on their assigned PA sector, they are tasked with identifying: the shortcomings in the current state management – the corrective actions to be taken– the goals to be achieved, and their respective timeframes – the resources needed – etc.
Group members speak strictly in turn in round-robin format, with each person allotted exactly three minutes. Experience shows that the contributions of less vocal citizens are often the most valuable, compared to those of people who constantly seek to chime in.
Two types of record are kept: a live transcript written by a team member, and a complete audio recording.
(( The real-time transcription should not be a summary, but rather an accurate reflection of what people actually say. It is better to omit two out of three sentences than to arbitrarily summarize all of them. ))
The round-table discussion goes on until the group members feel that everything has been said. One of them then writes a draft of the program PAGE, based on the real-time transcription and in accordance with the pre-set guidelines provided by the GP Agency.
The group reviews and approves the draft; afterward, they listen to the audio recording, making changes and amendments.
Then the group disbands.
– 3 –
At this stage, several hundred drafts have been generated by the groups working on the same PAGE of the program, all following the same structural pattern.
GP Agency officials are tasked with merging these drafts, striving to preserve the citizens’ will as thoroughly as possible.
(( Here is one possible approach.
The drafts for the same PAGE of the program are divided into batches of 5.
Starting from each batch of 5 drafts, a GP Agency official creates a single synthesized draft. This cuts the number of drafts down to a fifth.
GP Agency officials then apply the same process to these synthesized drafts; continuing iteratively until a single document remains: the consolidated final draft for that PAGE of the program.
Next, the GP Agency summons new groups of citizens, equal to one-fifth of the original number. Each new group is assigned the original drafts written by 5 of the initial groups and compares them against the consolidated final draft of that PAGE of the program: ensuring that the original intent of those 5 groups has been preserved. Where necessary, they produce an amended version of the final draft.
The same GP Agency officials resume their work, using a similar iterative process to merge these amended versions. ))
The end result is an official PAGE of “the government program as citizens want it”.
(( If the revisions submitted by the review groups are substantial, the GP Agency will summon additional groups of citizens to verify once again whether that official PAGE of the program faithfully respects the intent of the original groups. ))
– 4 –
The single (Zionist) party appoints the government of the State of Israel. The government is bound to abide faithfully by the citizens’ will, as expressed in the PAGES of “the government program as citizens want it”.
The government takes the necessary steps to fulfill the citizens’ mandates, AND THE CITIZENS’ MANDATES ALONE. If a measure is consistent with the existing legislation, the government enacts it by decree/ordinance.
A dedicated “Program Constitutional Court” then assesses whether the decree/ordinance is legitimate – that is, whether it aligns with the expressed will of the citizens and serves to carry it out. Otherwise, the court strikes it down.
If the government finds that fulfilling the citizens’ mandates requires amending or overriding an existing law, it submits the issue online to the general public. Anyone may contribute to drafting an appropriate bill. The government synthesizes the feedback received and enacts the necessary legislation. The same “Program Constitutional Court” then reviews whether the new law aligns with the citizens’ will and effectively carries it out; otherwise, the court strikes it down.
– 5 –
Once a year – or whenever requested by citizens through a petition with a sufficient number of signatures – another “Program Constitutional Court” evaluates whether the government is properly implementing “the government program as citizens want it”. Generally, the court provides policy guidance to the government regarding any neglected or poorly implemented parts of the program.
In the event of serious non-compliance, the court dismisses the government and instructs the single (Zionist) party to replace it: requiring the incoming government to make a public commitment to comply with corrective guidelines based on the failures of the dismissed administration.
– 6 –
Military affairs and foreign policy are entrusted directly to the government, without prior mandates from citizens.
However, a NON-BINDING referendum may be held – if requested by citizens with a sufficient number of signatures – to evaluate specific aspects of the government’s work in these two sectors.
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Another post on this topic was previously published on October 25, 2026, including the proposal of a possible peace roadmap:
https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/how-can-israel-invent-peace-and-adopt-the-best-possible-form-of-democracy/