In Wartime, the Gaps Facing Arab Citizens Deepen
War affects all citizens of Israel and missiles and rockets do not distinguish between Jews and Arabs. Yet when we examine living conditions, infrastructure and socio-economic structures, it becomes clear that not all citizens enter this reality on equal footing. During wartime, Arab society in Israel is confronted with structural gaps in sheltering, economy, employment and access to state services that have accumulated over time.
The most visible gap concerns physical protection. According to the State Comptroller report published in January 2026, only 37 of Israel’s 11,775 public shelters — about 0.3% — are located in Arab municipalities, and eight of those are unfit for use. The report also found that about 3.2 million residents in Israel – roughly one-third of the population – live without accessible safe spaces. Although this figure applies to the country as a whole, the absence of sufficient protective spaces is particularly pronounced in Arab communities.
Additional data indicates that about 46% of Arab citizens live in homes without a safe room compared to 26% in the general population. In nearly two-thirds of Arab municipalities, there are no public shelters at all. In such circumstances, when sirens sound, most people have nowhere to go, and the few shelters that do exist are often inadequate.
Alongside the physical gap there is also a gap in awareness and perception. For many years — at least until the Second Lebanon War in 2006 —Arab society did not see itself as a likely target of hostile attacks. Concepts such as “emergency preparedness” and “resilience” have often been associated with the military and security systems, which many in Arab society view with distrust and suspicion. This combination of low perceived risk and alienation from anything associated with “security” has contributed over time to lower levels of preparedness and protection.
The structure of Israel’s labor market creates another disparity. Many Arab workers are concentrated in sectors that require physical presence at the workplace such as construction, industry, services and agriculture. These are not sectors that easily allow remote work. In practice, this means that many workers must continue traveling and being present at work sites even during wartime. Even when protective spaces in these workplaces exist, they are often adequate. Construction sites, small workshops, and commercial businesses do not always include accessible protected spaces that meet required standards. While comprehensive data comparing workplace protection across sectors has yet to be compiled, it is clear that when a particular group is engaged in primarily physical occupations rather than office work, their exposure to risk during rocket alerts is inevitably higher.
In addition, many Arab doctors, nurses, orderlies, pharmacists and lab technicians – roughly 40% of the healthcare sector – are considered essential. They too cannot remain at home during sirens or when travel is restricted, and must continue reporting to their workplaces
Economic disparities deepen this vulnerability further. According to the National Insurance Institute’s 2024 poverty report, roughly 37% of Arab families live below the poverty line, more than double the national rate of 16%. The gap is even starker among children: 49% compared to 21%. Income disparities tell a similar story: the median monthly income of a Jewish household stands at around 21,000 shekels, versus 13,300 for an Arab household. For families with little financial cushion, repeated disruptions to economic activity are not merely inconvenient; they are destabilizing.
Employment patterns compound the problem. Arabs are significantly underrepresented in the public sector, making up only 12% of state employees. Many breadwinners instead rely on self-employment or small businesses — sectors acutely sensitive to drops in mobility and consumer activity. In wartime, the blow to these livelihoods is immediate and severe.
Local authorities should play a central role in managing emergencies. They can provide information to residents, coordinate assistance, and mediate between the state and the local population. Yet here too, inequality is built in from the outset. About 95% of Arab localities are ranked in the five lowest socio-economic tiers. This means that their municipalities generally operate with fewer resources. Indeed, in 70% there is a shortage of first-aid equipment, more than half lack paramedics and first responders, and only about one-third have an ambulance.
Disparities in access to government services and the ability to exercise rights exist as well. Research on the use of digital government services found that the use of online services is significantly lower among Arabs: only 36% compared to 60% percent among Jews. During wartime, when information, forms and compensation claims are handled mainly through digital channels, such a gap can make it harder to access rights and assistance. In practical terms, the ability to obtain information and solutions, such as Property Tax Compensation, is also more limited.
These gaps are familiar enough in ordinary times, but in war, they deepen sharply. Addressing disparities cannot be reduced to a single policy step but rather must be applied across a wide range of areas: physical protection in communities, investment in infrastructure and local authorities, strengthening the economic resilience of households, improving working conditions, and ensuring full access to government services and information.
The State bears responsibility for reducing this vulnerability. Immediate investment in protective infrastructure in Arab communities is needed alongside emergency systems adapted to local needs and equal access to economic assistance and compensation mechanisms. For the longer term, narrowing structural gaps between Arab society and the rest of Israel’s citizens is not only a matter of social justice but a precondition for the civilian resilience of Israeli society as a whole.