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Josef Avesar

Iran Is Not Anti-Semitic — It Is Anti-Zionist

Israel and Iran are currently locked in a dangerous cycle of hostility and escalating confrontation. At the heart of this tension lies a critical but often misunderstood distinction: the conflation of anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. This confusion, whether deliberate or not, misrepresents Iran’s position and obstructs any genuine path toward peace.
Iran is not an anti-Semitic country. It is an anti-Zionist country — and that is a crucial difference. Recognizing this distinction is essential if we hope to move beyond fear, propaganda, and endless conflict toward real dialogue and resolution.

Jews have lived in Persia—modern-day Iran—for more than 2,500 years, dating back to the Babylonian exile. Iran’s Jewish community is one of the oldest in the world. Historically, Jews in Iran experienced more tolerance than in much of Christian Europe. Today, synagogues, Hebrew schools, and kosher butcheries still operate in Iran, and Persian Jews continue to contribute to the country’s cultural and social life.

Even now, Iran is home to the largest Jewish population in the Middle East outside Israel. This community practices its faith freely and holds a reserved seat in the Iranian parliament. These facts stand in stark contrast to the widespread belief that Iran is inherently hostile to Jews.

Iran’s opposition is not to Judaism or Jews, but to Zionism—a modern political ideology that it views as colonial and exclusionary.

To understand Iran’s political opposition to Israel, we must revisit the 20th-century alliance between Israel and Mohammad Reza Shah, Iran’s U.S.-backed monarch, who ruled until his ousting in the 1979 Islamic Revolution. During this period, Israel was a close ally of the Shah and reportedly aided in the development of SAVAK, the regime’s notorious secret police, known for widespread torture and surveillance.

To many Iranians, Israel’s involvement was not merely symbolic—it was seen as complicit in their oppression. These historical wounds continue to shape Iranian attitudes toward Israel. Importantly, this opposition is political, not religious. It is aimed at a state and an ideology perceived as having supported authoritarianism and foreign domination.
Zionism is a modern political movement aimed at establishing and maintaining a Jewish state, often defined in ethnic or religious terms. Judaism, by contrast, is a religion and cultural tradition practiced by millions around the world. While the two are sometimes associated, they are not synonymous.

Many Jews, including observant and devout religious groups, have historically opposed Zionism on theological or moral grounds. Iran’s criticism targets Zionism, not Judaism. In fact, Iranian leaders have hosted anti-Zionist Jewish groups such as Neturei Karta to emphasize that their stance is ideological, not racial or religious.

The current pattern of violence and distrust between Israel and Iran will not be broken by continuing the status quo. Peace will not come through military force, sanctions, or isolation. It requires a bold reimagining of governance—one that transcends nationalist and sectarian divisions.

One such model is the Israeli Palestinian Confederation—a federal government composed of Jews, Muslims, Christians, and others, working together as equals to govern the land. This framework would protect the religious and cultural identities of all communities while establishing a shared democratic system rooted in equality, cooperation, and mutual respect.

Such a government would not prioritize one group’s national identity over another’s. Instead, it would be inclusive by design—representing all citizens regardless of ethnicity or religion. A federal confederation would be in a far stronger position to engage diplomatically with regional powers like Iran. It would no longer be seen as an exclusive Zionist project but as a multiethnic, multireligious democracy committed to peace and coexistence.

Crucially, this confederation would be the only democratically and constitutionally elected government representing all the inhabitants of Israel and Palestine. It would be grounded in a constitution that guarantees the separation of religion and state and upholds civil rights for all.

To protect against domination by any one group, it would include a vital safeguard: veto power for both the Israeli and Palestinian governments. This ensures that all major decisions require mutual consent and cooperation.

Such a federal government could establish direct diplomatic delegations to neighboring states—Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, and Iran. Its mandate would be simple and bold: make peace. Representing Jews, Muslims, Christians, and others, it would be uniquely positioned to advocate for coexistence and defuse regional tensions from a place of shared interest. This new structure would promote a regional commitment to ending violence, halting threats, and moving toward reconciliation. It would expose those who profit from hate and elevate the voices of those who seek a better future. Ultimately, a federal government in Israel and Palestine would offer the legitimacy, fairness, and representation that current nationalist governments have failed to provide. It would be the most realistic path to enduring peace. A federal government could be established by holding elections throughout the entire area of Israel and Palestine. In these elections, 300 parliamentary representatives would be elected from individual districts, along with a president and vice president elected by all voters, independently of the existing Israeli and Palestinian governments. The elections would be conducted online—accessible by computer and phone—and would allow voters in Gaza, the West Bank, and Israel at least three months to cast their ballots and choose their representatives. The Israeli Palestinian Confederation has developed this model and has been simulating it online for several years. The model and simulations can be viewed at www.ipconfederation.org

By embracing an inclusive, democratic structure in Israel and Palestine—one that truly represents all its people—we can lay the foundation for peace not only with Iran, but across the entire Middle East.
Peace is not only possible. It is essential—and long overdue.

About the Author
Josef Avesar is founder of the Israeli Palestinian Confederation, which advocates for a mutual third government for Israelis and Palestinians. An American-Israeli of Iraqi background, he practices law in the U.S., but travels frequently to Israel and Palestine.