Israeli Democracy Under Strain

Israel is facing one of the most perilous democratic moments in its history. This is not business as usual. It is a democratic emergency. In recent weeks alone, we have witnessed attacks on journalists and academics, punitive legislation targeting social media users, ministers distributing sweets after approving a death penalty bill, and public figures praising Meir Kahane—a man whose racist ideology was so extreme, his party was banned from Israeli politics. These are not isolated incidents. They are symptoms of a broader illiberal drift.

The Knesset’s Constitution Committee recently approved legislation allowing imprisonment for social media posts—particularly those deemed “detrimental to national morale” or “sympathetic to the enemy.” In essence, Facebook updates could now be treated as crimes. Under the guise of wartime security, Israel has entered a dangerous zone where routine dissent, criticism, or even moral reflection may be criminalised. Criminalising online expression is not national defense. It is democratic erosion.

When the Knesset approved the first reading of a death penalty bill for convicted terrorists—applied almost exclusively to Palestinians—some ministers marked the occasion by handing out trays of baklava in the chamber, as though celebrating a national festival. The message was unmistakable: retribution over justice, vengeance over rule of law. No serious consideration was given to the implications of such a law on Israeli civilians and Jews all over the world.

Similarly, a Likud MK recently praised Rabbi Meir Kahane—an extremist whose ideology was banned for racism—as being “worthy of the Israel Prize.” Kahane championed expelling Arabs from Israel, restricting democracy to Jews, calling Arabs “dogs” and introducing religious authoritarianism. He wanted Israel to become a racist theocracy. His ideology inspired violent attacks and terrorist organisations.

As someone who completed my doctoral dissertation, “The Boundaries of Liberty and Tolerance”, on Kahane and has written extensively about his movement and ideology, I can say with certainty: normalising Kahane is tantamount to flirting with fascism. What was once unthinkable is now applauded from the Knesset benches.

Settler violence in the West Bank has surged. Palestinian villages have been attacked, homes torched, property destroyed—all occasionally with the quiet support or public encouragement of senior politicians. Law enforcement often turns a blind eye. The rule of law erodes when political ideology supersedes legal accountability.

Meanwhile, threats against opposition figures, journalists, Arab members of Knesset, and human rights advocates have become routine. Such rhetoric delegitimises dissent, fuels polarisation, and encourages street-level intimidation. When public discourse becomes violent, democratic dialogue becomes impossible.

Recently, a member of Knesset forcibly disrupted a university lecture, physically confronting a professor. Universities should be sanctuaries for critical thought. Israel has long cherished academic freedom as a pillar of its intellectual and democratic strength. That even the academy is now a battleground tells us how deep the democratic crisis runs.

Journalists covering protests or reporting uncomfortable truths have been harassed and physically attacked. Some ministers accuse the press of “aiding the enemy” simply for doing their job. Democracy dies when journalists are told which truth is permissible.

Israel has endured wars, terror, global condemnation, and monumental political dilemmas. Yet throughout, it retained a core commitment to democratic norms—imperfect, but resilient. Is that resilience now at risk?

We must ask:

• Is Israeli democracy strong enough to resist the temptations of security populism?
• Can it avoid the slippery slope where fear justifies oppression?
• When politicians glorify vengeance, use war as political theatre, and undermine democratic institutions—who will stop them?

Civil society still holds power. Journalists, academics, watchdog organisations, retired military officials, former justices, and protest movements across the political spectrum are speaking up. The Supreme Court remains a vital barrier—though one under attack. International allies still have influence. They must use it wisely, constructively, and urgently.

November 2025 marks just one troubling month in a steady democratic decline since this government came to power in 2022. The real test is whether Israelis—and their leaders—can reverse the trend before it becomes permanent.

The stakes are political and moral. They touch directly on what kind of nation Israel will be, whether it can retain its identity and moral compass. The Israeli people must rise to the occasion and protect their country and themselves against their own anti-democratic government