Israelis are united. When will our leadership follow suit?

An outside observer of Israel – and even many of us within Israel who follow events here closely – can easily conclude that our country is more divided than ever. The Knesset is split along partisan lines and even common-sense legislation with no political or ideological stance rarely garners support from both sides of the aisle.

Almost every decision on the public agenda – from choosing an ombudsman for the court system to selecting the TV regulatory agency members – is made not to appoint competent experts or promote good policies, but to advance unqualified loyalists focused on entrenching a hold on power. The protests in the street are still smaller than during the heyday of the judicial overhaul, but are at their loudest and most vitriolic since October 7, 2023. And this all pales in the shadow of controversies surrounding the dangerous attempts to remove the attorney general and Shin Bet head due to a so-called lack of loyalty.

But if we dig a little deeper, it becomes apparent that on almost every issue of importance, Israeli society is more united than ever. 

Still devastated by the October 7 Hamas attacks, a large swath of Israelis want their leadership to take responsibility and step down – this includes both the professionals that helm the IDF and security services who have already either quit or announced their intentions to do so (58% want the security chiefs to resign regardless of whether political leadership takes responsibility), and the elected political leadership that led Israel in the years leading up to that dark day in 2023 (72.5% want Prime Minister Netanyahu to step down either right now, or when the war is over). Over 65% also demand a national commission of inquiry to thoroughly investigate the events, find who is responsible, and ensure that our leaders learn from their mistakes. 

As to the fighting in Gaza, here too, there is broad support for prioritizing the release of the hostages over the other war goals, even if it means painful decisions that include a halt to combat, retreat from territory, and releasing murderous terrorists from Israeli jails. When it comes to “the day after,” Israelis do not necessarily have a single answer as to what they do want to see, but, by and large , they agree that a fully independent state in Gaza would be too dangerous an endeavor. At the same time, they do not support fully reoccupying the Strip or resettling it with Jewish communities. 

Similarly, on a slew of domestic issues, Israelis are mostly in agreement. With the fighting in Gaza resuming, and reservists now being called up for a fourth and even fifth tour of duty, real questions are arising about the ability of the same civilians to keep leaving their families and businesses aside to defend their country.  While the burden is indeed heavy, Israelis seem willing to pay the price to ensure that their families are safe, but they are unwilling to keep turning the other cheek to a growing portion of the population that refuses to enlist. Over 70% of Jewish Israelis (and 84.5% of non-Haredi Jews) now think it is time for ultra-Orthodox men to stop breaking the law, enlist in the IDF, and proudly provide relief to the same segments of the population serving in the military and driving our economy. 

Unfortunately, the government is not taking this enormous mandate and using it to right the historic wrong of granting a blanket exemption for Haredi men. Instead, it seems intent on passing legislation that will only preserve the current situation.

Moreover, instead of focusing on issues that enjoy consensus, like a fair draft law, rebuilding our northern and southern communities, and fortifying the Israeli economy for what promises to be tough days ahead, our leaders seem intent on reviving the very initiatives that were so divisive in the months leading up to the war. Only 33% of Israelis supported the recent changes to the Judicial Selection Committee politicizing our process for selected judges and justices, and just 8% think this should be the government’s priority at this time. 

A roadmap

So, what can be done? Seventy-seven years ago, our founders provided us with a roadmap. Israel was established as the Jewish state that “will foster the development of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants; it will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture.”

The first order of business is working towards a constitutional framework, under these and other values outlined in the Declaration of Independence. This step is supported by more than 70% of the population. This would lead to agreed upon ‘rules of the game’ that would ensure our democracy is not eroded and our leaders do not rise above the rule of law. Such an effort could be accompanied by measures to reform our electoral system in order to improve the stability and effectiveness of government.

At some point in the next year and a half, Israelis will have a chance to make their voices heard and weigh in on the direction their country should take in the aftermath of October 7th. The upcoming election will afford all political parties a critical opportunity to present detailed platforms and tangible plans for reform on the basis of a clear depiction of national priorities. It will then be up to the people to make their choice and elect leaders who will focus on bringing the country together, mending our battered institutions, expanding the circle of peace, and establishing a new social contract that will ensure Israel’s democratic vitality, economic prosperity and national security for generations to come.

If we will it, it is no dream.