Oct 5, Oct 6… Oct 8

October 7th no longer exists. It’s been removed from the calendar for at least the next hundred years. Binyamin Netanyahu doesn’t want anything public to remind anyone what exactly happened on that day.

It is to be like the name of Voldemort from Harry Potter, the name that cannot be named.
Netanyahu forgets a few things. First among them is that he works for us, the public. That’s something that he has tried to blur and disappear for a long time. He likes to believe that we are his subjects and his decrees are final and that he is anointed by the same self believing deity that he believes made him king. He is gravely mistaken on all fronts. He was not anointed, no deity made him king and he doesn’t make any decrees.

The word “massacre” was removed, at the request of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), from the title of a bill establishing an annual commemoration of the October 7, 2023. The PMO does not make these kind of ‘requests’ or decrees if they don’t come directly from Netanyahu or his wife.

Since October 8, 2023, Netanyahu has been doing everything possible to separate himself from all responsibility and connection to the massacre of October 7.

On October 8, Netanyahu had his most important meeting with his political advisors and PR people after which they began the campaign to blame the security and intelligence establishment for October 7 along with excuses of why Netanyahu doesn’t bear any responsibility. This was just the beginning of the rewriting of the narrative.

The erasure of the word ‘massacre’ plays yet another critical piece of the Netanyahu narrative.

A failed piece of this narrative was the attempt to control the commemoration of October 7 on the first anniversary in 2024 by having a Miri Regev production for the ‘official’ ceremony. Fortunately, the people who experienced October 7 the closest, the families of those killed and/or taken hostage pushed forward with the worthy and proper ceremony which pushed the Miri Regev production to the sidelines with very low viewership.
On the second anniversary in 2025, still with the war going on and hostages left in Gaza, the government of abandonment chose not only not to have any official commemorative ceremony but also not to have any participation or representation at the family’s ceremony.

All of these efforts by Netanyahu and the October 7th government are pieces of their tactics to prevent an Official State Commission of Inquiry. Instead, they are all pushing the corrupt law for a Knesset Commission of Inquiry where they determine who and how they will investigate themselves.

As is already known, Netanyahu is pushing that only the governments that he didn’t control will be investigated going back 30 years as well as the security and intelligence agencies. He and his governments will be exempted from investigation by this distortion of a commission of inquiry.

Why is Netanyahu afraid of a State Commission of Inquiry?

1. Fear of the Outcome: State Commissions can be powerful and are apolitical. Netanyahu fears a similar fate of Golda who had to resign following the Agranat Commission which followed the Yom Kippur War.
2. Fear of exposure of the truth and blame: From October 8, Netanyahu hasn’t stopped shifting blame and distorting the truth. His recently released 55-page response to the state comptroller explicitly attempts to shift responsibility to the military and previous governments, portraying himself as a restrainer rather than a decision-maker. His lengthy response has already been proven to be extremely selective choices of parts of protocols of security meetings. More expansive and inclusive protocols have shown his responses to be part of his rewriting of the narrative and truth.
3. Loss of control over the narrative: Netanyahu’s chosen model of a Knesset commission provides his lackeys with the power to appoint members if the opposition boycotts (which they are), and allows the government to define the probe’s scope and to veto witnesses. Analysts have already described it as a “whitewash” designed to exonerate him and blame others like the IDF and anti-government/anti judicial overthrow protesters.
4. The Judicial conflict: Netanyahu does not want an apolitical Supreme Court President to decide who will head the commission or for an impartial commission to determine the scope and power of the commission. He therefore has accelerated his government’s overthrow of the judicial system.
5. Public and victim pressure: Netanyahu doesn’t just ignore public and victim pressure; he disregards it with claims that the public doesn’t trust an official state commission. He further claims that the public wants what he wants and he uses members of the Tikva Hostage Family Forum to back his Knesset Commission. It must be remembered that the formation of the Tikva Forum was the brainchild of the Prime Minister’s Office and was made up of a small number of hostage families who were known to fully support Netanyahu. Netanyahu has always pushed his agenda and lies leaning on the famous saying “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it”.

An independent commission of inquiry exists precisely for leaders who have nothing to hide and nothing to control. Golda Meir accepted the Agranat Commission; Menachem Begin accepted the Kahan Commission. They did not negotiate their terms of appointment, nor did they demand the power to veto judges or witnesses.

Netanyahu’s insistence on a hand-picked, government-controlled committee—rather than the judicial probe Israeli law mandates for national catastrophes—is, by that very standard, the behavior of someone who cannot afford the truth to emerge without filters.

The victims’ families, the IDF chief of staff, and the head of Shin Bet have all called for the independent model. The only person blocking it is the one with direct personal responsibility for the decisions made on October 7.

Innocent people are not afraid of impartial and objective investigations.