Open letter to the political leadership in Washington and Jerusalem

Donald Trump’s landslide victory in the US elections and the expanded Republican majority in Congress mark a significant political shift in the US. As we enter a 10-week transition period, and the Trump team prepares to govern, it is already setting its foreign policy priorities which are being made note of by international leaders. Here are three key things that Israeli leaders should consider between now and January’s inauguration:

Release 101 hostages from Hamas captivity

On November 4, 1979, Iranian revolutionaries captured Americans at the US embassy in Tehran, holding them hostage for 444 days. The crisis was resolved only after President Jimmy Carter lost his reelection bid to Ronald Reagan. During the transition, Carter and Reagan worked together to secure a mediated settlement. Minutes after Reagan’s inauguration, he signed the treaty to bring the hostages home.

Today, Hamas and other terror groups in Gaza hold 101 remaining hostages, including seven Americans, who have been captive for over 400 days. Already during the summer President Trump spoke at the Republican National Convention, and said: “To the entire world, I tell you this: We want our hostages back. And they better be back before I assume office, or you will be paying a very big price.”

As in 1980, we have a unique opportunity now, with Republican and Democratic teams aiming to clear the table ahead of the transition of power. I pray it results in bringing all the hostages home.

Reviving the Abraham Accords

President Trump has conveyed to Israel that it must end its war in Gaza by the time he returns to office. Israel must be considering the day-after in Lebanon as well as Gaza and even lay the groundwork for future peace between Beirut and Jerusalem.

This must be preceded by Israel completely degrading the capabilities of Hamas and Hezbollah. As a result, Israel would be assisting the US in restoring Iranian deterrence and weakening Iran’s regional influence. This would prove Israel to be an effective strategic partner of the US in the region. This is an essential prerequisite for President Trump to spearhead Abraham Accords 2.0 as ending the conflict in Gaza will make it easier for Saudi Arabia to normalize relations with Israel. An expanded accord would serve shared American and Israeli interests, reinforcing US influence in the Middle East.

To this extent, an expanded Abraham Accords would not only integrate Israel into the Middle East further but would anchor the US’s interests more deeply in the region. The US may want to turn to the UK and its European allies to complement its efforts to deepen and expand the Abraham Accords. This in turn would enable the US to turn its attention to great power competition with China in the Asia Pacific.

An incoming Trump administration must be wary of the outgoing Biden administration undermining the prospect of an enhanced Abraham Accords. The Biden administration could achieve this during its lame-duck period by advancing a bilateral security agreement with Riyadh that is not tied with normalizing relations with Israel.

Recently, Saudi national security advisor Musaad bin Mohammed al-Aiban visited the White House and met with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan, and Secretary Blinken along with President Biden’s advisors, Brett McGurk and Amos Hochstein. The security interests of Riyadh and Jerusalem must feed into their respective strategic interests and ultimately into that of Washington’s. This is best achieved for all by broadening and deepening the interconnectedness of Israel and Gulf states at a regional rather than bilateral level.

The Trump administration’s unconditional support for Israel

The Democrats paid the price in this election due to the influence the progressives had over the party causing the Biden administration to create daylight between the US and Israel. By making its support for Israel conditional and at times withholding critical military equipment and diplomatic support, the Biden administration served Iran’s strategy of diplomatically isolating and humiliating Israel. This failed strategy alienated friends and emboldened foes. In contrast, President Trump’s unconditional support for its regional ally marks a return to when support for Israel was the historical norm. There is no doubt that President Trump will maintain the US’s critical assistance to Israel in the form of funding for the Iron Dome or shipping to Israel much-needed munitions.

In Trump’s first term, Israel found points of collaboration but also areas of disagreement which were addressed by both sides with respect. Similar challenges may arise in President Trump’s second term. The warmth between both sides means that any future disagreement may be handled with discretion, as befits close allies. Israel knows that President Trump takes its security close to his heart.

Following October 7, 2023, when Hamas slaughtered 1,200 people and took 251 hostages, Israel and the Trump administration share the same strategic priorities of freeing the hostages, reviving the Abraham Accords, and resuscitating unconditional support for Israel. As a result, this will shore up the security interests of Israel and Gulf allies. President Trump’s approach of peace through strength is the only way to restore Iranian deterrence.