Hasan Mujtaba

Pogrom in (Occupied) Azad Jammu Kashmir: A Mini Tiananmen Square in South Asia?

 

By Hasan Mujtaba

Portraying itself as a mediator between Iran and the United States amid tensions involving Iran, the United States, and Israel, while simultaneously presenting itself as a champion of a “principled stand” on Kashmir and Palestine and the sole custodian of the Islamic nuclear bomb within the Muslim world, Pakistan has exposed what critics describe as a stark contradiction. While projecting itself as a defender of oppressed Muslims abroad, it stands accused of presiding over the repression of men, women, and children in Pakistan-administered Azad Jammu and Kashmir, where residents participating in a peaceful sit-in in Rawalakot were reportedly subjected to a harsh crackdown.

Pakistani state institutions—including the Pakistan Rangers, local police, the Punjab Constabulary, the Frontier Constabulary, and plainclothes personnel allegedly linked to intelligence agencies—did not hesitate, according to protesters and local accounts, to open fire on men, women, and children participating in peaceful demonstrations in Rawalakot. The protesters were demanding justice following the killing of a young activist associated with the now-banned Joint People’s Action Committee (JPAC).

Although the government has officially acknowledged only nine deaths, reports from activists and local sources suggest that the number of people killed and injured may be significantly higher. The very people whose “right to self-determination” Pakistan claims to champion on international forums were instead confronted with bloodshed and repression in the streets of Azad Jammu and Kashmir. “Does a lawyer kill his client?” asked a London-based Kashmiri YouTuber in response to the events.

The scenic region of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, known for its lush green mountains and crystal-blue waters, now bears, according to critics, the appearance of a territory under occupation. “Kashmir Jannat-e-Nazir,” as it is affectionately known, has, they argue, been transformed into a living hell for many of its residents.

Until recently, Pakistan vigorously criticized Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to revoke the special constitutional status of Jammu and Kashmir through the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019, as well as the unrest that followed. Today, however, Pakistan-administered Kashmir is witnessing growing unrest directed at an administration widely perceived as being controlled from Islamabad and Rawalpindi, the latter being home to Pakistan’s military headquarters and often regarded as the country’s real center of power.

An unprecedented challenge to the Islamabad-backed administration of Azad Jammu and Kashmir began to emerge in early 2023, when an alliance of citizens, traders, professionals, consumers, political activists, social campaigners, and small business owners united under the banner of the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC). The organization launched a series of protests and strikes focused on economic and governance issues affecting the local population.

The movement gained extraordinary momentum in May 2024, when JAAC called for a region-wide strike against soaring electricity prices. Hundreds of thousands of people reportedly took to the streets in Rawalakot, Muzaffarabad, Mirpur, Kotli, and other towns, bringing normal life to a standstill. The scale of the mobilization forced the administration into negotiations with protest leaders, ultimately resulting in concessions that included reductions in electricity tariffs and other relief measures.

Many observers described the uprising as the largest popular mobilization in Azad Jammu and Kashmir since the 1950s, when residents protested the removal of the government of then-President Sardar Ibrahim. Nationalist parties in the region have long accused Islamabad and Rawalpindi of orchestrating the collapse of Sardar Ibrahim’s administration through a bureaucratic coup.

“Since then, the people of Azad Jammu and Kashmir have been subjected to palace intrigues and puppet governments installed through sham elections—or, at times, without elections at all,” said Mumtaz Khan, a Kashmiri rights activist and nationalist leader originally from Rawalakot who now lives in Toronto, Canada.

In recent years, a number of mass movements have emerged across Pakistan and Azad Jammu and Kashmir, presenting significant challenges to both the civilian government and the military establishment.

One such movement was the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), which emerged in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2018 under the leadership of Manzoor Pashteen, then 26 years old. The movement gained prominence following the extrajudicial killing of Naqeebullah Mehsud, a young Pashtun social media personality, in Karachi.

Mehsud’s death sparked widespread protests among Pashtuns from both tribal and settled areas, stretching from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to Karachi. Many observers compared the demonstrations to the Black Lives Matter movement because of their emphasis on justice, accountability, and human rights.

PTM quickly emerged as a major political force in the region. The movement adopted nationalist themes and slogans and introduced its own anthem, “Da Sanga Azadi” (“Where Is the Freedom?”). It also openly challenged both militant groups and state policies that it argued had harmed Pashtun communities.

PTM activists and supporters were reportedly targeted and killed by Taliban militants, while movement leaders—including Manzoor Pashteen—faced arrests, legal cases, and restrictions on political activity. Former Member of Parliament Ali Wazir, a prominent PTM leader, was also arrested multiple times and has spent extended periods in detention.

The movement has frequently accused Pakistan’s military establishment and intelligence agencies of pursuing policies detrimental to Pashtun communities. The military has rejected these allegations, often portraying PTM as an anti-state movement supported by foreign actors, including India. PTM leaders have consistently denied those claims.

A similar dynamic has unfolded in Balochistan, where a long-running conflict between the Pakistani state and Baloch nationalist separatists has been accompanied by allegations of enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, torture, and arbitrary detention.

Against this backdrop, the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), also known as the Baloch Solidarity Committee, emerged under the leadership of Dr. Mahrang Baloch, a young physician and activist. Dr. Mahrang is the daughter of a Baloch nationalist activist who was allegedly forcibly disappeared and later found dead.

Together with Sami Deen, daughter of Dr. Deen Mohammed Baloch—who has reportedly been missing for more than a decade—she helped establish the organization to campaign for the recovery and release of missing Baloch individuals.

The BYC organized sit-ins and long marches from Quetta to Karachi and Islamabad, demanding justice, accountability, and the safe return of missing persons. Women, children, and family members of the disappeared became prominent participants in the movement. Dr. Mahrang’s advocacy and commitment to nonviolence attracted widespread support from civil society groups, human rights activists, and political organizations across Pakistan.

One of the movement’s most prominent demonstrations took place in Islamabad, where Dr. Mahrang and families of missing persons staged a sit-in during the winter months. Supporters allege that the protest was met with a heavy-handed government response, including police action and the use of water cannons. Dr. Mahrang was subsequently removed from the capital but was later welcomed by large crowds upon her return to Balochistan.

She has since been detained alongside several colleagues. Human rights lawyer Iman Mazari and her husband, Hadi Chatha, have also faced legal proceedings that supporters argue were linked to their advocacy on behalf of Dr. Mahrang and the movement.

Pakistan’s military establishment has described the BYC as anti-Pakistan and alleged that it receives support from foreign countries. Supporters reject these accusations and argue that critics of state policy are routinely accused of acting on behalf of foreign powers, particularly India or Israel.

The Joint People’s Action Committee in Azad Jammu and Kashmir has likewise been declared a foreign-funded organization and banned by the regional administration. Authorities allege that the committee received support from India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), a claim that the organization strongly denies.

On May 30, the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Election Commission announced elections. The following day, the government secured a Supreme Court order concerning twelve refugee seats in the legislative assemblies. Shortly thereafter, authorities imposed a ban on the Joint People’s Action Committee, citing allegations of foreign funding. In response, the committee called for protests on June 5.

According to reports, police opened fire on the motorcade of JPAC chairman Umar Nazeer on June 5, resulting in the death of a young activist, Shahzeb.

In the aftermath, hundreds of thousands of people reportedly gathered outside the Combined Military Hospital in Rawalakot. Protesters and local witnesses allege that Rangers personnel, Kashmir Police, members of the Punjab Constabulary, and plainclothes operatives opened indiscriminate fire on the crowd, causing numerous deaths and injuries.

The crackdown triggered demonstrations across Azad Jammu and Kashmir and prompted protests by members of the Kashmiri diaspora in Europe and North America outside Pakistani embassies and consulates. For many observers, the events in Rawalakot evoked comparisons to the Tiananmen Square crackdown, leading some commentators to describe the incident as a “mini Tiananmen Square” in South Asia.

About the Author
Hasan Mujtaba is an award winning multilingual and multimedia journalist, writer, poet, translator and human rights defender. He has worked for BBC Urdu, Deutsche Welle Urdu and Voice of America Urdu from New York. He has also worked as print investigative journalist in English, Sindhi, Urdu, and Punjabi newspapers and periodicals in Pakistan. He has written and published five books of prose and poetry. Currently he has written a series of blogs as his travelogue of Israel and a series of articles on his visits to Auschwitz and Treblinka. Becuase of his writings he had to flee his country of origin and came into exile to the US, owing death threats. He lives in New York.
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