Replacing Netanyahu Alone Will Not Restore Support for Israel
We should not kid ourselves: replacing Benjamin Netanyahu will not, by itself, repair Israel’s standing in the world.
Israelis care deeply, and complain constantly, about how the world sees us. But in the coming election, most will vote first on who can keep them safe. That includes who will require ultra-Orthodox men to share the crushing burden borne by secular and religious Zionist Jews, alongside Israelis from non-Jewish communities who serve.
Many Israelis hold Netanyahu responsible for failing to prevent Hamas’s attempted genocide on October 7, 2023, the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust. They also see him as the protector of ultra-Orthodox draft exemptions. Among diaspora Jews, some of whom share those frustrations, there is hope that a new coalition, led by someone else, would allow the world to warm to Israel again.
I understand that hope. I also think it is dangerously optimistic.
Some on the international right who have stood by Israel over the past three years see Netanyahu as a strong, courageous leader. They would probably continue supporting Israel under a different prime minister, but their commitment might weaken. A change of leadership would not necessarily bring only diplomatic gains.
My greater concern, however, is with liberals who once supported Israel, or were at least ambivalent, and have since turned away. We would like to believe they are simply waiting for Netanyahu to leave before returning. We have little reason to assume that.
In my book, “Intifada Globalized,” I examine how Israel became a symbol of oppression for so many young Westerners. An Israeli election will not automatically undo that transformation.
At best, a new government could make Israel seem less confrontational and encourage people to reengage. Israel would then have to act on that opening. We would need sustained public diplomacy and, as radical as it sounds, a willingness to listen to their concerns. That includes being willing to acknowledge where we have neglected those relationships over the past three years.
At worst, that global alienation could deepen. Whoever leads Israel will still face the threats in Gaza, Lebanon and Iran. A different prime minister is unlikely to abandon Israel’s core security positions, nor should he. Critics expecting a radically different Israel could conclude that Israelis themselves are the problem.
That would be a false and dangerous conclusion. Resentment directed at an entire people is harder to overcome than opposition to a government. Most Israelis want a normal life, free from war, and the chance to engage with the world without constantly defending their right to exist. A future government must help those voices be heard.
But reengagement will also require changes in policy. Compromising Israelis’ safety or Israel’s territorial integrity to win foreign approval is non-negotiable. However, there is still much we can, and must, change.
That begins with arresting and prosecuting Jewish extremists who commit violence in Judea and Samaria. Their actions tarnish Israel’s name and violate the Jewish values we want to defend. We should confront them because those values mean something to us, even when no foreign audience is watching.
It also means working toward peace agreements with neighbors that do not seek our elimination. The current Lebanese government should be a priority for that effort. A government committed to protecting Israelis must take opportunities for peace seriously.
Above all, Israel must treat diaspora Jews as family. They are not lobbying firms or ATMs, and their concerns should not be dismissed as attempts to weaken us. Rebuilding that relationship requires time and resources, including a willingness to listen when the conversation is uncomfortable.
We cannot expect Jews abroad to keep defending Israel while making them feel that their own voices do not matter. Whoever forms the next government must make repairing that relationship a priority from the outset.
If we mean Am Yisrael Chai, we must act as though the whole Jewish people is our family.
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Ofir Dayan is the author of “Intifada Globalized” and a researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies.
