Amnon Beeri-Sulitzeanu

Suppressing Arab Votes Means Undermining Israeli Democracy

The true test of Israel’s democracy is not only how it treats its minorities — but whether it allows them to participate fully, freely, and confidently in shaping the country’s future.

The 2026 elections may become a defining test for Israel’s democracy.

Alongside the usual campaign preparations, another effort is quietly taking shape — one aimed not at winning hearts, but at suppressing them. Specifically, at discouraging Arab citizens from voting in significant numbers.

This effort is wrapped, as always, in the respectable language of “protecting election integrity.” But the intent is unmistakable: to prevent a high Arab turnout that could change Israel’s political map, challenge the current ruling bloc, and alter the direction our country is moving toward.

The right-wing leadership knows the math. Every few percentage points of increased Arab turnout can reshape the Knesset. Instead of seeing that as a sign of civic vitality, some politicians view it as a political threat — and react with campaigns of fear, legal manipulation, or bureaucratic obstruction.

This is not speculation. In 2019, hundreds of hidden cameras were deployed in Arab polling stations under the guise of “monitoring fairness.” The government even tried to legalize such surveillance. In 2015, then–Prime Minister Netanyahu warned that “the Arabs are voting in droves” — a phrase that has since become a symbol of open incitement against Arab political participation. Raising the electoral threshold, reducing polling access in smaller Arab localities (especially in Bedouin communities in the Negev), and repeated attempts to disqualify Arab parties or candidates are all part of the same strategy: to limit Arab citizens’ influence on Israel’s democratic process.

Let’s be clear: when Arab citizens go out to vote, their participation expresses a sense of partnership, responsibility, and care for the country’s future. From a democratic perspective, this is not a partisan issue; it is a fundamental expression of belonging. It reflects an understanding that political participation is the most legitimate, civic, and peaceful way to shape the state’s direction.

In that sense, the level of Arab political participation and representation is a litmus test for how democratic Israel truly is. A democracy that marginalizes one-fifth of its population cannot be considered whole or healthy. The exclusion or delegitimization of Arab voters — or the parties that represent them — would not only be morally wrong, it would be strategically disastrous. It would deepen alienation, fuel mistrust, and push an entire community to the margins of the political sphere.

Arab citizens must feel that their voices matter — not only as individuals casting ballots, but as legitimate and respected participants in the nation’s decision-making. They should feel that they can influence policies, budgets, and priorities; that they can be part of the governing coalition, not merely tolerated as members of the opposition. Only when this sense of efficacy and legitimacy exists can Israel claim to be a democracy in more than name.

Recent expert assessments warn of dangerous trends ahead: manipulative legislation, biased use of the Central Elections Committee, disinformation campaigns, and even plans to deploy so-called “peacekeeping forces” near Arab polling stations — a polite term for intimidation. These are not isolated incidents but part of a broader erosion of democratic norms.

If these efforts materialize, Israel could become a country that still holds elections — but no longer truly free ones.

About the Author
Amnon Be’eri-Sulitzeanu is Co-CEO of The Abraham Initiatives, promoting equality and shared society between Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel. He advances inclusive education, policing, and policymaking, and advocates widely in media and government. Amnon holds a Master's degree in Public Policy from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He is a longtime social justice activist, he previously held senior roles at the Jerusalem Foundation and Ministry of Immigrant Absorption. He lives in Tel Aviv with his wife and has three adult children.
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