Mohamed Osman

The Berbera Axis: Israel, Somaliland, and the New Red Sea Order

Closer ties between Israel and the Republic of Somaliland would rest on a convergence of maritime security, diplomatic recognition, technology, and trade. Somaliland’s position on the Gulf of Aden gives it strategic value near the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, while Israel can offer security expertise, investment, and technologies suited to an arid environment. Yet any partnership would also expose both sides to political resistance and security risks.

Maritime Security and Strategic Depth

Somaliland’s long coastline faces Yemen and overlooks shipping routes linking the Indian Ocean, Red Sea, Suez Canal, and Israel’s port of Eilat. Access to coastal radar, intelligence, and surveillance facilities could improve early warning against missiles, drones, piracy, and attacks on commercial vessels. For Somaliland, cooperation could strengthen border security, anti-piracy operations, counterterrorism capacity, and protection of critical infrastructure.

Such an arrangement would fit Israel’s broader effort to build flexible partnerships around maritime chokepoints and to monitor weapons-smuggling routes and hostile networks. Berbera could provide strategic depth at the Red Sea’s southern entrance, complementing cooperation with partners such as the United Arab Emirates and Ethiopia. However, an overt Israeli security presence could also make Somaliland’s ports and transport corridors more attractive targets for Houthi forces, Al-Shabaab, or other regional actors.

Recognition and Diplomatic Leverage

The Republic of Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991 and has since operated as a self-governing polity, but it lacks broad international recognition. Formal relations with Israel could provide diplomatic visibility and encourage engagement by other states. The Republic of Somaliland may view Israel’s normalization agreements with Arab and African governments as a route toward wider integration.

For Israel, ties with the Republic of Somaliland could extend its diplomatic network into the Horn of Africa and reinforce relationships with Gulf and East African partners. The political cost would be substantial: Somalia rejects Somaliland’s independence, while the African Union and Arab League remain sensitive to challenges to Somalia’s fictional territorial integrity.

Berbera, Technology, and Trade

Economic cooperation offers the most practical foundation for partnership. Israeli expertise in drip irrigation, desalination, water management, cybersecurity, logistics, and dryland agriculture could support Somaliland’s development. Berbera Port and the adjacent special economic zone could benefit from stronger digital security, automated cargo systems, investment, and resilient agricultural supply chains.

Berbera also matters to landlocked Ethiopia, which has long depended heavily on Djibouti for maritime trade. A functioning Berbera Corridor through Hargeisa to the Ethiopian border would give Addis Ababa an alternative route, reduce exposure to congestion or political disruption, and create competition over port fees. Eastern Ethiopian centres such as Dire Dawa and Harar could gain shorter access to the coast, while exports including livestock, coffee, textiles, and horticultural products could reach Gulf and global markets more efficiently.

The Berbera Special Economic Zone could add bonded warehousing, processing, and light manufacturing, linking Somaliland’s port infrastructure with Ethiopian production. This would not displace Djibouti immediately, but it could weaken its near-monopoly and give Ethiopia greater bargaining power. It would also make Berbera a more important commercial asset requiring stronger maritime and cyber protection.

Regional Risks and Trade-offs

A “Berbera Axis” involving Israel, Somaliland, the UAE, and Ethiopia could support open shipping lanes and a more distributed network of ports. It could also deepen competition with Turkey, Iran, Egypt, and other powers seeking influence in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia–Somaliland arrangements concerning port access or naval facilities are especially sensitive because Somalia regards them as violations of its sovereignty.

The central trade-off is clear. A visible security partnership may protect shipping and attract investment, but it also raises Berbera’s profile as a strategic target and could intensify diplomatic conflict. Overreliance on military cooperation might undermine the commercial advantages the partnership is meant to create. A gradual approach—focused first on agriculture, water, port management, training, and civilian maritime safety—would reduce political exposure while building practical trust.

Outlook

Israel and the Republic of Somaliland are unlikely to form a formal alliance without major regional consequences, but a limited strategic partnership is plausible. Their interests overlap most clearly in maritime awareness, infrastructure security, water and agricultural technology, and the development of Berbera as a trade gateway. Success would depend on balancing these gains against Somalia’s opposition, Somaliland’s domestic politics, and the danger of turning a commercial corridor into a front line. Managed cautiously, Berbera could become both a pillar of Somaliland’s economic strategy and an important node in a more competitive Red Sea order.

About the Author
Mohamed Osman, a retired physician and public health specialist from Somaliland, is a Canadian citizen who has worked with Ottawa Public Health and Alberta Health Services. He is also recognized for supporting Somaliland's recognition.
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