Tim Flack

The Sham of the Genocide Scholars’ Resolution

Logo of the International Association for Genocide Scholars
Logo of the International Association for Genocide Scholars

There are certain professional associations that thrive on the appearance of authority. They are often little-known bodies, their names largely meaningless to the public, until the moment comes when their titles are wielded like weapons. When the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS) announced a resolution accusing Israel of genocide, it was precisely this phenomenon at work. The world was told that “genocide experts” had delivered their verdict. Newspapers repeated it. Campaigners rejoiced. And the public was invited to believe that scholarship had spoken.

It had not.

The Broken Process

Sara Brown, a veteran member of the association and director of the Centre for Holocaust, Human Rights and Genocide Education, has now made clear what actually transpired. Her account in the Times of Israel is devastating because it is so mundane. This was not an honest debate gone wrong. There was no debate at all.

The association’s leadership initially promised a virtual town hall, as is customary when contentious resolutions are considered. That town hall never took place. The leadership cancelled it, silenced dissent on the association’s listserv, and refused even to disclose the names of those who drafted the text. In the world of serious scholarship, anonymity of authorship is unthinkable. Transparency is a minimum requirement. But transparency was precisely what the leadership was determined to avoid.

The vote itself was paltry. Just 129 members supported the resolution, out of a membership of around 500. That is scarcely more than a quarter. The majority did not vote at all, and many, Brown notes, simply did not feel equipped to weigh in on the Middle East. Yet the outcome was trumpeted to the world as though it represented a unanimous scholarly consensus.

The reality is that a small group of activists, aided by a pliant leadership, hijacked the name of an academic association and used it to advance a political agenda.

The Capture of Institutions

This sort of institutional capture is hardly new. In the twentieth century, one saw it most vividly in the Soviet Union, where entire academies of science were transformed into instruments of ideology. Genetics was supplanted by Lysenkoism, history bent to Marxist dialectics, and whole generations of intellectuals forced to recite what the party required. The institutions survived in name, but their credibility was destroyed.

The pattern has recurred elsewhere. Under apartheid, South African universities produced their share of tame academics who could be relied upon to dress racial ideology in the garb of scholarship. In our own time, United Nations bodies once created to uphold human rights have been captured by some of the world’s most prolific violators of them. The Human Rights Council regularly elevates regimes that jail journalists and shoot protesters, while turning its fire on the democratic state of Israel with obsessive regularity.

The point is not that the IAGS is the moral equivalent of these disgraced institutions. It is that the mechanism is familiar. Institutions are captured not by being abolished, but by being hollowed out and repurposed. Their prestige is retained. Their integrity is discarded. Their names become tools.

The Lowering of Standards

In the case of the IAGS, the capture has been facilitated by a quiet lowering of standards. Once largely the domain of scholars dedicated to the study of genocide, the association has expanded its membership to include activists and artists. Diversity of perspective may sound harmless, even desirable. But in practice, it has blurred the distinction between academic expertise and political activism. When activists dominate, scholarship is reduced to camouflage.

Sara Brown was blunt: this expansion “opened the door” to exactly the sort of hijacking now on display. A resolution dressed up as a scholarly judgment was, in fact, the handiwork of a small activist bloc. The leadership, in her words, “had an agenda.”

The Dubious Authorities Behind the Resolution

The text of the resolution itself reveals the weakness of the case. To bolster its claims, the IAGS leadership leaned on a list of organisations and UN officials it described as “leading global international law organisations.” The names sound impressive: Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Forensic Architecture, DAWN, B’Tselem, Physicians for Human Rights, and the UN Special Rapporteur on the Palestinian territories. On inspection, this is not a body of neutral authority but a rogues’ gallery of activist outfits.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch were once respected watchdogs. Both have long since abandoned impartiality in favour of campaigning. Their reports on Israel are notorious for selective evidence, context stripped bare, and conclusions written before investigations are begun. Amnesty’s 2022 “apartheid” report was so tendentious that even some of its own staff objected internally. HRW’s Middle East leadership has for years been openly partisan. To call these groups “legal authorities” is to mistake repetition for rigour.

Forensic Architecture dresses itself in the language of science, but in reality is a London-based activist collective. Its glossy digital reconstructions are less forensic analysis than political theatre rendered in 3D. Their “findings” are designed to dramatise a conclusion already reached, not to test competing hypotheses.

DAWN (Democracy for the Arab World Now) was founded by Jamal Khashoggi and continues to function as a lobbying platform aligned with Islamist and Qatari interests. Its reports are advocacy papers masquerading as legal analysis.

B’Tselem is a fringe Israeli NGO whose sole purpose is to denounce its own state. It is regularly cited abroad because it provides the convenient fig leaf of being “Israeli voices.” Its research methods are shoddy, and its conclusions predetermined. Within Israel, it is regarded as a political pressure group, not a scholarly organisation.

Physicians for Human Rights-Israel cloaks itself in medical neutrality while producing reports indistinguishable from political pamphlets. They rely heavily on unverified testimonies and casualty statistics supplied by Hamas-run authorities in Gaza, passing them off as objective medical data.

Finally, the UN Special Rapporteur. The mandate itself is structurally biased: it is tasked only with investigating Israel, never Hamas or other Palestinian actors. Every holder of the post has been hostile to Israel, the current one no exception. She accused Israel of genocide before completing her investigation. The verdict was written before the evidence was gathered.

This is the stable of “authorities” on which the IAGS leaned. Not courts of law. Not independent tribunals. NGOs and rapporteurs with long records of political activism. To invoke them as though they were neutral arbiters is an insult to scholarship.

The Misuse of Genocide

The agenda matters because of the word at the centre of this circus: genocide. It is the gravest of legal terms, defined with precision in international law. It requires not only mass death, but the intent to destroy a people as such. That threshold is high, deliberately so. It is what gives the word its moral weight.

That weight is precisely why activists seek to dilute it. To label Israel’s war in Gaza as genocide is to equate the Jewish state with the perpetrators of Auschwitz. It is to take the memory of Jewish extermination and turn it against the descendants of the victims. To cheapen the word “genocide” is to cheapen history itself.

The IAGS resolution is not a finding of genocide. It is the repackaging of activist talking points into the language of academia. In the process, it undermines not Israel but the integrity of genocide scholarship.

The Consequences

The consequences are serious. Governments and campaigners will cite the resolution as though it carried judicial weight. It will be deployed in international forums, repeated in the media, and used to sway public opinion. Yet it is nothing more than an activist statement, parading under the guise of scholarship.

In pursuing their agenda, the IAGS leadership has done more than smear Israel. They have discredited their own discipline. Genocide studies is a field that demands rigour, evidence, and careful distinction. By abandoning those standards, the association has tarnished the credibility of the very scholarship it was created to advance.

The Broader Lesson

The IAGS debacle should serve as a warning. Institutions are not always captured with fanfare. More often, they are hollowed out quietly. Their names remain. Their authority is retained. Their integrity is discarded. And when invoked in public, they are assumed to speak for scholarship when in fact they speak for activism.

Sara Brown has done the world a service by exposing what happened. She has reminded us that what parades as consensus may in fact be manipulation. That the appearance of unanimity may conceal the reality of faction. And that an association of genocide scholars can, in pursuit of an agenda, become a parody of the scholarship it claims to embody.

The IAGS resolution is not the judgment of experts. It is the capture of an institution. It deserves to be recognised as such and dismissed accordingly.

The Final Word

The charge of genocide has become the laziest and most poisonous weapon in the arsenal of Israel’s enemies. It is rehearsed in advance, deployed in every conflict, and retracted only after the headlines and protests have already done their work. Each repetition corrodes the meaning of the crime itself and turns a term born from the ashes of the Holocaust into a slogan on a placard. To weaponise that word against the world’s only Jewish state is not just intellectual malpractice. It is moral vandalism.

The IAGS leadership chose to join this ritual chant, silencing their own scholars and laundering the propaganda of partisan NGOs. In doing so they have disgraced their discipline, tarnished the very study of genocide, and desecrated the memory of the victims whose suffering gave birth to the word. If there is a scandal here, it is not Israel’s conduct but the association’s betrayal of truth. And it is that betrayal which deserves to be remembered, denounced, and never forgiven.

About the Author
The writer is a seasoned communications professional with a diverse background spanning military service, media, public relations, and safety and security. He is a firearms activist and owns the Cape Town-based public relations firm Flack Partners PR.
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