Nira Broner Worcman

The Speech the University Didn’t Expect — and Helped Write

On May 17, 2025, Cecilia Culver stepped onto the commencement stage at George Washington University’s Columbian College of Arts and Sciences and decided the moment belonged to her. In a six-minute address to an audience of 750 people, she accused Israel of committing genocide in Gaza, called on her fellow graduates to withhold donations to the institution, condemned the university’s financial ties to Israel, and said she was “ashamed to know my tuition is being used to fund this genocide.” The fundamental detail: GW had pre-approved her speech, and none of those remarks were in it. Culver submitted one text and delivered another.

Barely 24 hours later, Ernst & Young — where Culver had worked for only five months — locked her out of her work email and placed her on administrative leave. The stated reason, according to the company’s own written notice, was that the action was taken “in connection with your speech at the George Washington University commencement.” Four days after she filed an internal discrimination complaint, EY terminated her employment. No policy violation was identified. No investigation had been conducted. No hearing was offered. Culver is now suing GW, EY, and more than a dozen officials from both institutions for $5 million, alleging emotional distress, professional ostracization, and violations of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act and the D.C. Human Rights Act.

The episode at GW did not occur in a vacuum. Last weekend, at the University of Michigan’s spring commencement, Faculty Senate Chair Derek Peterson — a history and African studies professor and MacArthur “genius grant” recipient — used his address to praise pro-Palestinian student activists who had, in his words, “opened our hearts to the injustice and inhumanity of Israel’s war in Gaza.” University president Domenico Grasso apologized the same day, calling the remarks “hurtful and insensitive” and noting that Peterson had deviated from his pre-submitted draft. What Grasso did not mention publicly was that Peterson had actually cooperated partially with administrators during preparation — agreeing to remove the word “genocide” from his text at their suggestion — while making clear he would still reference the protests. The apology provoked its own backlash: more than 1,000 faculty members signed a letter demanding Grasso retract it. From one campus to another, ideological activism has moved from the margins of university life into classrooms, faculties, and official ceremonies.

Two campuses, two speeches, two institutions caught between the ideology they cultivated and the ceremony they tried to protect. The commencement stage has become a pulpit, and the university — which built the pulpit, trained the preachers, and shape the sermons — now feigns surprise at what is being preached. Before any court passes judgment on Culver, someone should ask GW — and so many institutions like it — a prior question: where were they when this became the curriculum?

This case is not isolated. It is a symptom of a crisis of accountability that the Western university system tried to ignore until the U.S. Congress forced a confrontation. In late 2023, leaders of America’s most prestigious universities were called to testify. When asked whether “calling for the genocide of Jews” would violate their institutions’ codes of conduct, their responses were paralyzed by legalistic hedging: it would depend on the “context” or how that speech translated into “action.” That hesitation — when faced with a question about extermination — cost presidencies, donations, and, above all, the reputation of these institutions as sanctuaries of critical thinking.

The episode exposed something already felt in academic hallways: for years, an intellectual environment has been cultivated in which specific political narratives — including grave accusations lacking consolidated legal backing, such as the claim that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza — circulate freely under the banner of academic freedom. When confronted by Congress, leadership could not even bring themselves to state that calling for the killing of Jews was wrong.

At GW, the pattern was the same, and it had a name. Lara Sheehi, an assistant professor of clinical psychology, was accused of creating a hostile environment for Jewish and Israeli students in her Fall 2022 mandatory diversity course. A Title VI civil rights complaint alleged she had told one student, on the first day of class, “it’s not your fault you were born in Israel,” and that she had retaliated against students who raised concerns. GW commissioned an investigation which found “no evidence” of discriminatory conduct.  The Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights later opened its own investigation and, in a January 2025 settlement, found reason to believe students had been placed on disciplinary remediation plans in retaliation for protected civil rights activity. As part of the agreement, GW was required to expunge those disciplinary records and review its anti-discrimination policies. Sheehi, meanwhile, had already left for the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies in Qatar. GW said nothing further.

The institution that tolerated this climate for years now calls its graduate “dishonest” because the speech she delivered was not the one approved. Culver did not invent this vocabulary. She absorbed it in the environment GW helped build.

This does not absolve her. Submitting one speech and delivering another is objective dishonesty — regardless of the content. Presenting “genocide” as an established fact, without a definitive legal determination by a competent international court, s an ideological assertion masquerading as certainty.  It represents a form of linguistic lawfare, where legal terminology is weaponized to bypass due process and create a moral verdict before any judicial one exists.  EY also had practical reasons for its decision: a consultancy that sells credibility cannot easily retain an employee who has publicly demonstrated a willingness to say one thing and do another.

What happened at GW is not a localized incident. It is the blueprint for an educational model that has spread across borders — one in which a diploma frequently arrives as a mandate for a militancy that bypasses verifiable facts. While presidents have resigned, rankings have fallen, and donors have retreated, the root problem persists: young people continue to take the stage to recite slogans forged in classrooms where ideological certainty goes unchallenged. The primary defendant in this crisis wears academic robes.

Culver was dishonest with the university. The university was dishonest with everyone.

About the Author
Nira Broner Worcman is a Brazilian journalist and CEO of Art Presse, a public and institutional relations firm. She specializes in media narratives, reputation and public perception. She is the author of A Sisyphean Task, based on the Brazilian hors commerce edition of Enxugando Gelo, on media coverage of the war between Israel and terrorist groups, as well as Israeli and Jewish issues.
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