The Trump-Iran Deal Exposes the Hollow Loyalty of Netanyahu and Trump

The recent agreement between the Trump administration and Iran has ripped the mask off the so-called “BFF” relationship between Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu. Trump has always been drawn to strongmen and autocrats, consistently siding with them over traditional friends and allies—so long as they serve his personal purpose. But the moment they outlive their usefulness, show a hint of weakness, or become a personal liability, that friendship evaporates instantly.

Both Netanyahu and Trump demand absolute loyalty, yet their own allegiance is strictly a one-way street, flowing only toward themselves.

For Netanyahu, the writing is now on the wall. His fealty to Trump has run its course, and his election campaign has already shifted gears, quietly shelving the planned spotlight on his “closeness” to the American president. The Iran deal is so profoundly detrimental to Israel that what was once viewed as a political asset—the bond with Trump—has quickly become a liability. Will this deal hurt Netanyahu at the ballot box? Probably. And I certainly hope so.

But that is the least of our problems. As much as I long to see Netanyahu relegated to the history books, his political downfall is not the core issue. The true catastrophe is the outcome of this pitifully unplanned war, combined with a deal that strengthens and enriches Iran while endangering Israel’s future.

The agreement fails to address Iran’s ballistic missile program entirely. Even more alarming, Trump has openly stated, “If other countries can have ballistic missiles, why not Iran?” – a declaration that bears little resemblance to the apocalyptic rhetoric he and Netanyahu once used to demonize Tehran.

A Missed Chance for Leadership

Over the years, we have witnessed two profoundly important moments when I desperately hoped Netanyahu would rise to the occasion and place the country’s interests far above his own.

The first was during the Gilad Schalit prisoner exchange. My brother served as the secret back-channel between Hamas and the Israeli government during those negotiations. At that time, Netanyahu agreed to do what he had sworn he never would – release Palestinian prisoners with “blood on their hands” in exchange for a single soldier. For a brief moment, there was hope. History had shown that leaders can change. Before Sadat’s visit to Jerusalem, no one believed Begin would return all of Sinai to Egypt for peace. Rabin, who as Defense Minister ordered IDF soldiers to “break the bones” of Palestinians during the first Intifada, ultimately shook Arafat’s hand and signed the Oslo Accords. It is often said that what is seen from the prime minister’s seat is not seen from below – that the weight of the office forces a new perspective.

Many of us hoped Netanyahu would undergo that same transformation. He did not. He is incapable of changing his spots. Unlike Begin or Rabin, he lacks the courage to make the brave, definitive decisions required to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict.

The second moment came after October 7. In the immediate shock of that catastrophe, I wasn’t even thinking about his resignation. My greatest wish was simply that Netanyahu would finally step up and be the leader Israel so desperately needed. But on October 8, his most pressing meeting was not with military brass, but with political advisors and PR strategists. Their mission was clear: change the narrative to save Netanyahu’s political career and preserve his legacy. They began by blaming the security establishment for the failure, absolving a prime minister who has presided over the country for most of the last two decades of any responsibility. Then they turned the hostage crisis into a political battleground, casting the families of the hostages and their supporters as the enemy.

In each of these defining moments, Netanyahu had an opportunity to transcend his role as a political magician – a man who has repeatedly stitched together failing coalitions just to cling to power. He could have become a leader of all Israelis, taking the extra steps required for the betterment of the nation and its people. Instead, he chose to remain the “Divider in Chief,” perpetuating a toxic “us versus them” mentality, where “them” includes anyone who disagrees with him. His poison machine continues to churn, widening the rifts in Israeli society for his own survival.

A War Without Strategy, A Deal Without Security

This recent war with Iran was Netanyahu’s pet project for years. He failed to convince five previous U.S. presidents to join his crusade. With Trump, he finally found the “sucker” who would buy his flattery, adoration, and performative loyalty – enough to ignore military experts, intelligence officials, and strategic planners, and give the green light to a war with no coherent strategy, no concrete objectives, no exit plan, and no “day after” vision.

To the Israeli public, Netanyahu touted four airy objectives: forever ending Iran’s nuclear program, severing Tehran’s ties to its proxies, neutralizing the missile threat, and crippling the regime to trigger its overthrow. He failed on every single count. Worse, with this Trump deal, he has brought about the opposite: he strengthened the Iranian regime, handed them the propaganda victory of successfully defending against two of the world’s most powerful militaries, unlocked financial windfalls beyond imagination, and solidified their ties with proxies – especially Hezbollah.

Yes, the Trump deal is horrendous and doesn’t even come close to the Obama-era JCPOA that Netanyahu convinced Trump to exit. Yes, it has probably hurt Netanyahu politically, hopefully ushering in the end of his career. But the real damage is to the long-term security of the entire country.

The Future Danger is Guaranteed

• Iran’s threat and use of constantly improved ballistic missiles in the future is all but guaranteed.
• Iran was facing economic bankruptcy; now, they will rake in billions from non-sanctioned oil sales, the release of frozen assets worldwide, and the establishment of a rebuilding fund worth hundreds of billions of dollars. (There is no such rebuilding fund for Israel as a result of Iran and Hizbollah’s missile, rocket, and drone damage)
• The nuclear program has been shelved for “future talks,” while the massive stockpile of enriched uranium buried inside Iran will almost certainly remain intact, ready to be recovered by the regime
• The support for Hezbollah is now entrenched in this agreement; with the regime’s coffers overflowing, the flow of money and advanced weaponry to the terror group is a foregone conclusion.

Our Middle Eastern neighborhood is far less secure today than it was prior to the Trump-Netanyahu war. That is the toxic gift these two failed leaders are leaving behind – and we will bear the repercussions for years to come.

*Postscript:
I anticipate that some readers will insist that the Schalit deal and the Oslo Accords brought about October 7. That is precisely the narrative Netanyahu and his cult have tried to sell, all while dodging any responsibility and blocking the establishment of a State Commission of Inquiry. But the truth is clear: October 7 happened because Netanyahu spent a political lifetime preventing any meaningful movement toward resolving the Israel-Palestine conflict. He systematically weakened the Palestinian Authority while simultaneously propping Hamas up just enough to claim that the PA doesn’t represent the Palestinian people—and that Hamas only desires Israel’s destruction. In doing so, he ensured there would be no partner for peace.