Ed Gaskin

Understanding Jewish and Palestinian Equality in Israel — Part II

Civilian Law Vs. Military Rule 

Series Preface

Understanding Jewish and Palestinian Equality in Israel explores how questions of law, belonging, and justice shape everyday life between the river and the sea. Written from my perspective as an African-American Christian who also practices Judaism, the series seeks understanding rather than ideology—beginning with equality among Israel’s citizens (Part I), comparing civilian and military rule (Part II), examining how security structures shape discrimination (Part III), exploring how bias reinforces inequality (Part IV), reflecting on the moral lessons of segregation and liberation (Part V), tracing how prolonged control fuels extremism (Part VI), highlighting grassroots hope (Part VII), and concluding with a theology of repair (Part VIII).

These essays ask shared questions:
What does equality mean when one state governs different populations by different laws?
And how does the pursuit of security shape justice, opportunity, and rights?

Abstract

Building on Part I—which examined equality among citizens within Israel’s 1948 borders—this essay compares two individuals governed by distinct legal regimes:

  1. A Jewish citizen inside Israel, living under the civilian legal system; and

  2. A Palestinian resident of the West Bank, living under Israeli military rule and limited Palestinian Authority (PA) civil powers.

The essay argues that while Israel functions as a democracy for its citizens, its long-standing military administration in the West Bank operates as a system of control that denies Palestinians equivalent political and civil rights. The contrast shows how regime type—civilian vs. military—structures access to justice, mobility, land, due process, and representation, producing enduring systemic disparities in law and daily life.¹

Background

I write from the perspective of an African-American Christian who also practices Judaism. My lived experience informs how I understand law, justice, and belonging. I believe in both Black-Jewish and Black-Palestinian intersectionality—connections that highlight shared struggles against injustice. My Western legal training also shapes how I interpret equality and discrimination.

Introduction

This essay contrasts the civic and legal status of two representative individuals:

  • A Jewish citizen of Israel, residing within the 1948 borders and governed by civil and criminal law; and

  • A Palestinian resident of the West Bank, governed primarily by Israeli military orders, with limited PA civil authority in Areas A and B under the **Oslo II Interim Agreement (1995).**²

Israeli settlers—who reside in the West Bank but remain under Israeli civil law—are excluded from this comparison, as their legal status differs fundamentally.

1. Legal Regimes: Civilian Law vs. Military Rule

Civilian law provides rights; military law provides permissions.

A Jewish citizen inside Israel lives under civilian authority:

  • protected by Basic Laws,

  • policed by civilian forces, and

  • tried in independent civilian courts up to the Supreme Court.³

By contrast, roughly 3 million Palestinians in the West Bank live under Israeli military jurisdiction administered by IDF Central Command. Since 1967, commanders have issued more than 1,600 military orders governing nearly every aspect of life—from taxation to assembly to land use.⁴

Most West Bank criminal and “security” cases are tried in military courts staffed by uniformed officers, not civilian judges.

Under Oslo II (1995), the West Bank is divided into:

  • Area A (≈18%) — PA civil & security control

  • Area B (≈22%) — PA civil control & joint Israeli-PA security

  • Area C (≈60%) — full Israeli civilian & military control, including planning and zoning⁵

These overlapping jurisdictions create two parallel sovereignties that shape daily life in profoundly different ways.

2. Political Rights and Representation

Democracy protects those who participate in it.

A Jewish citizen inside Israel votes for the Knesset and is represented by the government that sets national policy.⁶

A Palestinian resident of the West Bank:

  • does not vote in Israeli elections,

  • is not represented in the institutions that govern borders, movement, taxation, and planning, and

  • remains under PA institutions that **have not held national elections since 2006.**⁷

As B’Tselem puts it:

*“One population legislates; the other lives under its legislation.”*⁸

3. Due Process and Courts

Justice diverges sharply between civilian and military courts.

Israeli citizens are tried in civilian courts with open proceedings, evidentiary rules, defense counsel, and rights of appeal.

Palestinians in the West Bank are tried in military courts, where:

  • judges and prosecutors are IDF officers,

  • hearings are conducted primarily in Hebrew,

  • translation is provided only as needed,

  • conviction rates exceed 95%, and

  • administrative detention allows imprisonment without charge or trial for renewable six-month periods.⁹

Israel’s Ministry of Justice argues that military courts comply with humanitarian law.¹⁰
However, legal scholar Yuval Shany notes that **decades-long military jurisdiction contradicts occupation law’s intended temporariness.**¹¹

4. Movement and Access

Freedom of movement: a right under civilian law, a permit under military rule.

Inside Israel, citizens enjoy nationwide mobility as a legal right.

In the West Bank, movement is governed by checkpoints, roadblocks, and permits. UN OCHA (May 2025) documents:

  • 849 mobility obstacles, including

    • 94 staffed checkpoints,

    • 153 partial checkpoints,

    • 288 road gates (many closed or requiring coordination).¹²

Travel to East Jerusalem or Israel requires Israeli-issued permits that may be denied or revoked without explanation.

OCHA characterizes this as a “permit-based movement regime”; Palestinian advocates call it controlled mobility.¹³

5. Land, Planning, and Building

Land is the clearest indicator of unequal power.

Inside Israel, planning decisions are made by civilian bodies, and citizens may apply for permits or appeal rejections.

In Area C, Palestinians face an Israeli-controlled permit regime. OCHA reports:

  • building-permit approval rates below 5%, sometimes as low as 2%,

  • continuing demolitions of “unpermitted” structures,

  • persistent displacement threats in the Jordan Valley and South Hebron Hills.¹⁴

Scholars describe this system as “long-standing spatial segregation”; human-rights organizations sometimes term it **“planning apartheid.”**¹⁵

6. Everyday Rights: A Comparative Snapshot

Domain Jewish Citizen in Israel Palestinian Resident of West Bank
Legal framework Israeli civil & criminal law; Basic Laws Israeli military orders; military courts; limited PA civil powers
Representation Votes for Knesset & government No vote in Israeli institutions; no PA elections since 2006
Due process Civilian policing; independent judiciary Military policing; administrative detention
Movement Nationwide mobility as a right Checkpoints, permits, road gates
Planning & building Civilian planning; legal appeals Area C under Israeli control; low permit rates; demolitions

Sources: Knesset 2024; B’Tselem 2024; UN OCHA 2025; State Department 2024.


7. Conclusion

The comparison between a Jewish citizen inside Israel and a Palestinian living under military rule in the West Bank reveals not merely a policy gap but a governance divide. Civilian law rests on consent, representation, and reciprocity. Military law rests on control, hierarchy, and revocability. They are built to accomplish different ends, and over time they create different kinds of people before the law.

Civilian and military regimes have coexisted in the same land since 1967, but their trajectories have diverged. One has continued to evolve through constitutional jurisprudence, elections, and public debate. The other has become a vast system of rules, permits, checkpoints, orders, and exceptions that no civilian—Israeli or Palestinian—ever voted on, and which no Palestinian can appeal to a national institution.

History shows that such dual systems are not sustainable.
From Northern Ireland to South Africa to the Jim Crow South, legal bifurcation has always produced political grievance, economic stagnation, intergenerational trauma, and cycles of resistance. Above all, it erodes legitimacy—the belief that law reflects a shared social contract.

Israel’s challenge is therefore not only moral but strategic:
a population living under military law will inevitably seek political agency, and no security architecture can permanently manage that aspiration.

For Palestinians, the challenge is existential:
without democratic representation, the future is shaped by powers they cannot choose and cannot influence.

For both peoples, convergence toward one legal standard is not a concession but a precondition for long-term stability.
Legal equality is not the endpoint of peace; it is the infrastructure that makes peace possible.

At its heart, the divide between civilian law and military rule is not only a legal distinction but a spiritual one.
Civilian law presumes covenant—shared destiny, mutual obligation, and the dignity of accountability.
Military law presumes guardianship—command, obedience, and asymmetry.
One is built for citizens; the other for subjects.

The Hebrew prophets warned that justice must flow “like a mighty stream,” not according to boundary or identity.
Islamic traditions speak of adl—justice—as the foundation of community.
Christian ethics insists that dignity is indivisible.
Yet the coexistence of these two legal regimes fractures this shared moral landscape.

A democracy cannot fully embody its calling while one people lives under the law of rights and another under the law of orders.
Nor can reconciliation begin until the law itself becomes a place where both peoples can recognize their humanity reflected back at them.

The path forward does not require erasing fears or dismissing security; it requires imagining a system in which security is shared because justice is shared.
Only then can law become not a wall that divides Israelis and Palestinians, but a bridge that binds them.

For nearly six decades, millions of Palestinians have lived under a legal order designed to be temporary but which has instead become the longest continuous military administration in the modern world. Temporary arrangements have hardened into durable structures of inequality. Rights are no longer determined by universal citizenship but by identity and geography—a system increasingly at odds with democratic norms.

No democracy can indefinitely sustain two legal systems without eroding the moral authority of one and the human dignity of the other.
Civilian law and military rule do not simply coexist; they shape competing visions of justice, liberty, and the future.

Ultimately, the durability of any political arrangement rests on whether those who live beneath it can see themselves in its promises. Until civilian and military law converge toward a single standard of equality, the distance between legality and justice will remain the deepest fault line in Israeli–Palestinian life.


Glossary (Selected Terms)

Term Definition
Basic Laws Israel’s quasi-constitutional statutes.³
Areas A/B/C (Oslo II, 1995) Administrative divisions: A = PA civil/security; B = PA civil + Israeli security; C = full Israeli control.⁵
Military Orders IDF-issued regulations governing non-citizens in the West Bank.⁴
Administrative Detention Renewable six-month detention without charge.⁹
UN OCHA UN agency monitoring movement, access, and demolitions.¹²

Footnotes 

  1. Knesset. Basic Laws of the State of Israel. Updated 2024.

  2. United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA). West Bank: Area A/B/C Map and Data. Jerusalem: OCHA, 2025.

  3. Knesset. Basic Law: The Judiciary. 2024 ed.

  4. B’Tselem – The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories. Military Orders and Military Courts in the West Bank. Jerusalem, 2024.

  5. Oslo II Interim Agreement, 1995; U.S. State Department, 2024.

  6. Knesset. Basic Law: The Knesset (voting rights). 2024.

  7. U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Israel, West Bank and Gaza. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2024.

  8. B’Tselem. The Dual Legal System in the West Bank. Jerusalem, 2024.

  9. B’Tselem. Administrative Detention. Jerusalem, 2024.

  10. Israel Ministry of Justice. Military Courts in Judea and Samaria: Legal Overview. Jerusalem, 2022.

  11. Yuval Shany, “The Law of Occupation and the Role of Domestic Courts,” Israel Law Review 52, no. 2 (2023): 171–194.

  12. UN OCHA. Movement and Access in the West Bank: 2024 Update. Jerusalem: OCHA, 2025.

  13. UN OCHA. Movement Regimes in the West Bank. 2024–25.

  14. UN OCHA. Demolitions and Displacement Report, Area C (2024–2025). Jerusalem, 2025.

  15. Oren Yiftachel, Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022).

  16. Amnesty International. Israel and the OPT: Country Report 2023. London: Amnesty International, 2024.


Bibliography 

Amnesty International. Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Country Report 2023. London: Amnesty International, 2024.

B’Tselem – The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories. Military Courts in the West Bank. Jerusalem, 2024.

B’Tselem. Administrative Detention. Jerusalem, 2024.

Israel Ministry of Justice. Military Courts in Judea and Samaria: Legal Overview. Jerusalem, 2022.

Knesset. Basic Laws of the State of Israel. Updated 2024.

Knesset. Basic Law: The Judiciary. 2024.

Knesset. Basic Law: The Knesset. 2024.

Oslo II Interim Agreement (1995).

Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS). Estimated Population End-2024 (West Bank). Ramallah: PCBS, 2025.

Shany, Yuval. “The Law of Occupation and the Role of Domestic Courts.” Israel Law Review 52, no. 2 (2023): 171–194.

UN OCHA. West Bank: Area A/B/C Map and Data. Jerusalem: OCHA, 2025.

UN OCHA. Movement and Access in the West Bank: 2024 Update. Jerusalem: OCHA, 2025.

UN OCHA. Demolitions and Displacement Report, Area C (2024–2025). Jerusalem: OCHA, 2025.

U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Israel, West Bank and Gaza. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2024.

Yiftachel, Oren. Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022.

About the Author
Ed Gaskin attends Temple Beth Elohim in Wellesley, Massachusetts and Roxbury Presbyterian Church in Roxbury, Mass. He has co-taught a course with professor Dean Borman called, “Christianity and the Problem of Racism” to Evangelicals (think Trump followers) for over 25 years. Ed has an M. Div. degree from Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary and graduated as a Martin Trust Fellow from MIT’s Sloan School of Management. He has published several books on a range of topics and was a co-organizer of the first faith-based initiative on reducing gang violence at the National Press Club in Washington DC. In addition to leading a non-profit in one of the poorest communities in Boston, and serving on several non-profit advisory boards, Ed’s current focus is reducing the incidence of diet-related disease by developing food with little salt, fat or sugar and none of the top eight allergens. He does this as the founder of Sunday Celebrations, a consumer-packaged goods business that makes “Good for You” gourmet food.
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