Ed Gaskin

Understanding Jewish and Palestinian Equality in Israel — Part IX

One People’s Hope Becomes Another’s Fear

Few ideas in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict are as politically consequential or emotionally fraught as Palestinian nationalism. At its core, it expresses a basic human aspiration: the desire to live with dignity, security, and self-determination in one’s homeland.¹ Yet for many Israelis, diaspora Jews, and Western policymakers, the phrase “Palestinian nationalism” triggers not hope but anxiety. These reactions are shaped not solely by ideology but by layered memories of violence, trauma, and vulnerability drawn from both Jewish and Palestinian histories.²

If Part VIII explored how narratives shape identity, Part IX examines how one narrative—Palestinian nationalism—provokes fear across multiple communities, and why naming and understanding that fear is essential to any possibility of equality.

I. What Palestinian Nationalism Actually Is

Before examining fear, we must clarify its object. Palestinian nationalism is a modern political movement affirming Palestinians as a distinct people with a right to self-determination in their historic homeland.³ Its roots include centuries of continuous presence in the land⁴; the formation of a political identity under the late Ottoman and British Mandate periods⁵; the generational trauma of the 1948 Nakba, when more than 700,000 Palestinians fled or were expelled from their homes⁶; the experience of Israeli military occupation since 1967 in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and, in different forms, of Israeli control over Gaza⁷; and long-standing aspirations for sovereignty, equality, dignity, and return.⁸

Palestinian nationalism is internally diverse. It includes secular political currents, Islamic movements, Christian Palestinian political thought, socialist and leftist traditions, diaspora activism, civic-democratic advocates, nonviolent resistance movements, and emerging digital youth activism.⁹ Reducing this landscape to Hamas is a reflection of fear, not analysis.

II. The Asymmetry That Shapes Fear

The conflict is not a simple encounter between two symmetrical national movements. It is the collision of Zionism—a nationalism backed by a sovereign state, military, judiciary, and international alliances—with Palestinian nationalism, a nationalism without sovereignty that is fragmented by occupation, exile, and geography.¹⁰ This asymmetry intensifies fear and shapes political behavior.

For many Israeli leaders, fear of Palestinian nationalism becomes justification for maintaining extensive military control over the West Bank, securitizing Palestinian civil society, expanding settlements, enforcing an unequal legal system in which Israeli settlers are governed under civil law while Palestinians are subject to military law, restricting movement through checkpoints and permits, and resisting recognition of Palestinian sovereignty.¹¹ Any conversation about equality must therefore confront the fears that obstruct it.

III. Fear as a Driver of Israeli Political Behavior

Fear of Palestinian nationalism is one of the most consistent drivers of Israeli political behavior—often more influential than ideology or economics. Israeli moderates may hesitate to support a Palestinian state; centrists may avoid bold diplomatic initiatives; liberals may fear demographic vulnerability; right-wing parties amplify existential narratives; and legislation frequently emphasizes safeguarding Jewish identity.¹²

These fears are not purely imagined. Israelis have endured wars, rocket fire, suicide bombings, and attacks on civilians.¹³ Real security concerns interact with collective trauma, producing a political environment in which caution feels synonymous with survival.¹⁴

IV. The Fear Filter in Western and Global Diplomacy

Fear of Palestinian nationalism also shapes Western and global diplomacy. In Washington, Brussels, and other centers of international policy, debates often revolve around anxious questions: Would a Palestinian state be stable or fall into factionalism? Would sovereignty empower moderates or extremists? Would it undermine Israeli security? Could Palestinian nationalism mask antisemitism? Would a Palestinian state become a regional security vacuum?¹⁵

Some of these concerns arise from legitimate geopolitical considerations; others reflect outdated assumptions or unconscious biases. Either way, fear shapes policy preferences as much as strategic analysis.

V. Trauma and the Jewish Memory of Vulnerability

Jewish fears of Palestinian nationalism cannot be understood apart from Jewish history: centuries of persecution, expulsion, pogroms, statelessness, the Holocaust, and wars widely experienced by Israeli Jews as existential threats.¹⁶ For many Jews, especially those whose identities are shaped by historical trauma, the emergence of another nationalism with overlapping territorial claims evokes ancestral fear rather than political possibility.¹⁷

This fear is not malice; it is trauma speaking. Recognizing this does not justify policies that perpetuate inequality, but it does help explain their emotional logic.

VI. Fear of Rights vs. Fear of Sovereignty

Many Jewish Israelis genuinely support Palestinian dignity, but they fear Palestinian sovereignty. Sovereignty implies control over borders, military capacity, demographic change, refugee return, and influence over shared institutions.¹⁸ Many people support rights but fear power; they support coexistence but fear co-sovereignty. Understanding this distinction is essential for building any plausible peace framework.

VII. How Fear Distorts Palestinian Nationalism

Fear magnifies political claims into existential threats. It leads observers—Israeli, Western, and, at times, Arab—to conflate Palestinian nationalism with extremism, dismiss nonviolent civil movements, securitize political organizing, and view Palestinian equality as Jewish loss.¹⁹ Some of these fears arise from genuine historical experiences; others are distortions amplified by trauma or political manipulation.²⁰ Fear rarely distinguishes between the two.

VIII. Fear as a Zero-Sum Identity Frame

Fear often generates a zero-sum logic: that Palestinian freedom means Jewish insecurity, that Palestinian sovereignty delegitimizes Israel, or that Palestinian return implies Jewish displacement.²¹ Even when workable political models exist—two states, confederation, shared sovereignty—fear renders them emotionally unthinkable. Fear makes equality appear threatening and coexistence dangerous.

IX. Why Different Stakeholders Fear Palestinian Nationalism

Palestinian nationalism evokes different anxieties in different communities. Israeli Jews fear demographic erasure or existential vulnerability.²² Diaspora Jews fear losing Israel as a refuge amid rising global antisemitism.²³ Some Palestinians fear internal repression if nationalism becomes dominated by one faction.²⁴ Arab states fear political contagion.²⁵ Western policymakers fear rethinking colonial histories.²⁶ Christian Zionists fear theological disruption.²⁷ Islamophobic voices fear imagined threats derived from prejudice.²⁸ Within each of these contexts, recognizing another’s nationhood is often perceived as threatening one’s own.

X. Parallel Fears Among Palestinians

Fear is not one-sided. Palestinians also fear Jewish nationalism. They fear permanent statelessness, demographic engineering, settlement expansion, unequal laws, forced displacement, and the possibility of another catastrophe like 1948.²⁹ These fears are rooted in lived experiences, not abstractions. Understanding these parallel fears is crucial for any serious attempt at peace-building.

XI. How Fear Is Politically Leveraged

Fear is not only emotional; it is instrumental. Political leaders, media ecosystems, and ideological movements use fear to win elections, mobilize supporters, delegitimize opponents, stall negotiations, and defend maximalist positions.³⁰ Fear is often amplified—or manufactured—to preserve the status quo.³¹ Understanding the political uses of fear helps explain why the conflict persists despite the existence of viable political models.

XII. Conclusion: The Fear That Must Be Faced

Palestinian nationalism does not block peace; fear of Palestinian nationalism does. These fears—erasure, retaliation, replacement, insecurity, demographic loss, historical reversal—must be acknowledged with compassion and confronted with clarity. Understanding fear does not excuse inequality; it establishes the emotional foundation required to transform it.

If Part VIII argued that narrative reconciliation prepares the mind for coexistence, Part IX argues that fear reconciliation prepares the heart. Without transforming fear, equality remains unimaginable; without equality, peace remains unattainable. Only when fear is named can it be loosened; only when softened can trust form; only when transformed can peace be imagined. This emotional architecture is the necessary foundation upon which any future political horizon must be built.


ENDNOTES

  1. Rashid Khalidi, The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017 (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2020), chap. 1.

  2. Omer Bartov, Anatomy of a Genocide: The Life and Death of a Town Called Buczacz (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2018), introduction; Rosemary Sayigh, Palestinians: From Peasants to Revolutionaries (London: Zed Books, 1979), preface.

  3. Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal, Palestinians: The Making of a People (New York: Free Press, 1993), chap. 1.

  4. Nur Masalha, Palestine: A Four Thousand Year History (London: Zed Books, 2018), chaps. 1–2.

  5. Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), chaps. 2–3.

  6. Walid Khalidi, “Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine,” Journal of Palestine Studies 18, no. 1 (Autumn 1988): 4–33; Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), conclusion.

  7. Ian Lustick, Paradigm Lost: From Two-State Solution to One-State Reality (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019), chap. 1; UN OCHA, “Gaza: Key Facts,” 2023.

  8. Sari Nusseibeh, Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007), chaps. 9–11.

  9. Amal Jamal, The Arab Public Sphere in Israel (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), chaps. 3–4.

  10. Gershon Shafir and Yoav Peled, Being Israeli (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), chap. 6.

  11. Ariella Azoulay and Adi Ophir, The One-State Condition (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012), chaps. 1–2.

  12. Shlomo Ben-Ami, Scars of War, Wounds of Peace (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), chaps. 9–10.

  13. Anita Shapira, Israel: A History (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2012), chap. 17.

  14. Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), chap. 1.

  15. Jeremy Pressman, “Visions in Collision,” International Security 28, no. 2 (Fall 2003).

  16. Yehuda Bauer, A History of the Holocaust (New York: Franklin Watts, 2001), overview.

  17. Michael Barnett, The Star and the Stripes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), chaps. 2–3.

  18. Alexander Yakobson and Amnon Rubinstein, Israel and the Family of Nations (London: Routledge, 2008), chaps. 6–7.

  19. Edward Said, The Question of Palestine (New York: Vintage, 1992), chaps. 3–4.

  20. Raja Shehadeh, Palestinian Walks (New York: Scribner, 2007), chaps. 1–2.

  21. Hussein Agha and Ahmad Samih Khalidi, A Framework for a Palestinian National Security Doctrine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), intro.

  22. Sammy Smooha, “Ethnic Democracy,” Israel Studies 2, no. 2 (Fall 1997): 198–241.

  23. Dov Waxman, Trouble in the Tribe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), chaps. 4–6.

  24. Nathan J. Brown, Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Accords (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), chap. 3.

  25. Marc Lynch, The Arab Uprising (New York: PublicAffairs, 2012), chap. 2.

  26. Rashid Khalidi, Brokers of Deceit (Boston: Beacon Press, 2013), chaps. 1–2.

  27. Paul Charles Merkley, Christian Attitudes Toward the State of Israel (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), chap. 5.

  28. Deepa Kumar, Islamophobia and the Politics of Empire (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2021), chaps. 1–2.

  29. Ilan Pappé, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford: Oneworld, 2006), conclusion; Noura Erakat, Justice for Some (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2019), chaps. 5–6.

  30. Dahlia Scheindlin, The Crooked Timber of Democracy in Israel (London: Verso, 2023), chap. 8.

  31. Lorenzo Kamel, Imperial Perceptions of Palestine (London: I.B. Tauris, 2015), conclusion.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

(Chicago Manual of Style, full bibliography)

Books and Monographs

Agha, Hussein, and Ahmad Samih Khalidi. A Framework for a Palestinian National Security Doctrine. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.

Azoulay, Ariella, and Adi Ophir. The One-State Condition: Occupation and Democracy in Israel/Palestine. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012.

Barnett, Michael. The Star and the Stripes: A History of the Foreign Policies of American Jews. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016.

Bartov, Omer. Anatomy of a Genocide: The Life and Death of a Town Called Buczacz. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2018.

Bauer, Yehuda. A History of the Holocaust. New York: Franklin Watts, 2001.

Ben-Ami, Shlomo. Scars of War, Wounds of Peace: The Israeli-Arab Tragedy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.

Brown, Nathan J. Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Accords: Resuming Arab Palestine. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003.

Erakat, Noura. Justice for Some: Law and the Question of Palestine. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2019.

Jamal, Amal. The Arab Public Sphere in Israel. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009.

Kamel, Lorenzo. Imperial Perceptions of Palestine: British Influence and Power in Late Ottoman Times. London: I.B. Tauris, 2015.

Khalidi, Rashid. Brokers of Deceit: How the U.S. Has Undermined Peace in the Middle East. Boston: Beacon Press, 2013.

———. Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997.

———. The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2020.

Khalidi, Walid. “Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine.” Journal of Palestine Studies 18, no. 1 (Autumn 1988): 4–33.

Kimmerling, Baruch, and Joel S. Migdal. Palestinians: The Making of a People. New York: Free Press, 1993.

Kumar, Deepa. Islamophobia and the Politics of Empire. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2021.

Lustick, Ian. Paradigm Lost: From Two-State Solution to One-State Reality. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019.

Lynch, Marc. The Arab Uprising. New York: PublicAffairs, 2012.

Masalha, Nur. Palestine: A Four Thousand Year History. London: Zed Books, 2018.

Merkley, Paul Charles. Christian Attitudes Toward the State of Israel. Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2001.

Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

Nusseibeh, Sari. Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007.

Pappé, Ilan. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oxford:

About the Author
Ed Gaskin attends Temple Beth Elohim in Wellesley, Massachusetts and Roxbury Presbyterian Church in Roxbury, Mass. He has co-taught a course with professor Dean Borman called, “Christianity and the Problem of Racism” to Evangelicals (think Trump followers) for over 25 years. Ed has an M. Div. degree from Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary and graduated as a Martin Trust Fellow from MIT’s Sloan School of Management. He has published several books on a range of topics and was a co-organizer of the first faith-based initiative on reducing gang violence at the National Press Club in Washington DC. In addition to leading a non-profit in one of the poorest communities in Boston, and serving on several non-profit advisory boards, Ed’s current focus is reducing the incidence of diet-related disease by developing food with little salt, fat or sugar and none of the top eight allergens. He does this as the founder of Sunday Celebrations, a consumer-packaged goods business that makes “Good for You” gourmet food.
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