Ju Hyung Kim

Why South Korean Weapons Could Help Indirectly Strengthen Israel’s Defense

The large-scale Iranian missile and drone attacks have showcased the structural challenges embedded at the very heart of modern warfare: even an advanced air-defense system is not designed to operate in a protracted saturation scenario. The system was designed for interception, but not necessarily for endurance.

Israel’s multi-layered architecture—which includes the Iron Dome, David’s Sling, and Arrow systems—remains inarguably one of the world’s most sophisticated systems. Nonetheless, the challenge Israel is faced with is no longer purely technological. Increasingly, it is evolving into an industrial matter. In a conflict defined by repeated missile and drone salvo attacks, the critical question lies not in whether Israel can intercept incoming threats, but in whether it can do so over a protracted time without depleting its stockpiles.

Iran’s evolving military doctrine is clearly illustrating this reality. Instead of solely relying on precision, Iran underscores scale: massive missile and drone attacks that are intended to overwhelm defenses through sheer numerical superiority. Even a highly effective system could face a compounded burden when it encounters a sustained and high-intensity incursion. Usually, interceptors are expensive, production inevitably requires time, while resupply cannot necessarily keep up with the tempo of consumption, especially during an ongoing conflict.

One way to address such a challenge is to rethink the problem not merely at the national level, but at the regional level.

If Iran’s strategy is to saturate defenses through scale, the most effective counter may be to distribute defense capabilities across multiple countries, rather than concentrating them in a single country. From this perspective, Israel’s long-term defense resilience would be dependent not only on its own capacity, but also on the defense capacity of neighbors—especially countries such as the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Jordan that were targeted by Iran’s recent missile and drone attacks.

This is where South Korea enters the picture—not as a direct arms supplier vis-à-vis Israel, but as a force multiplier in a broader regional defense environment.

South Korea has developed its defense industry under conditions that mirror many of the challenges now emerging in the Middle East: near-constant missile threats, limited strategic depth, and a security environment shaped—but not totally dependent on—by the United States. The result is not just advanced technology, but a defense ecosystem optimized for sustained and high-intensity circumstances.

One of South Korea’s major strengths is rapid production and delivery capacity. In a regional context, this would influence not only individual countries but also the overall balance of defensive capability. If countries like the UAE and Saudi Arabia can quickly increase the stockpiles of interceptors, they could absorb larger numbers of threats, reducing the concentrated pressure against specific targets including Israel.

Cost efficiency is equally important. Although high-end interceptor systems are indispensable in countering advanced threats, using them against all types of threats is neither efficient nor sustainable. Particularly in the field of mid-tier defense, South Korea offers a more affordable alternative to neutralize massive threats. If these systems are further deployed in the Middle East, they could form a broader defense buffer capable of intercepting lower and mid-tier threats before they approach critical targets.

Interoperability also reinforces the logic. South Korea has been a military ally of the United States, and thus possesses weapon systems that are designed to be aligned with U.S.-centric command-and-control systems. Israel and many Middle Eastern countries currently operate U.S.-made weapon systems. Therefore, the introduction of South Korean systems would create the foundation of an integrated regional air and missile defense network by strengthening connectivity in the long term, instead of causing fragmentation among systems.

There is a political element that would make this approach feasible. Unlike many Western countries, South Korea does not carry historical baggage in the Middle East. It has no legacy of intervention or imperialistic experience; South Korea’s defense exports tend to be perceived as relatively neutral. This would enable Middle Eastern countries to introduce weapon systems without triggering political sensitivities.

From a practical standpoint, South Korea’s defense exports to the Middle Eastern region would thicken the overall defense layer surrounding Israel. An interceptor deployed in Gulf states and their neighbors could neutralize threats at an early stage, ultimately reducing the volume of attacks that Israeli defense systems must handle. Even without an official integration, a mere expansion of defense capacity across the region could constrain Iran’s ability to concentrate its attacks effectively.

More importantly, such an approach is in accordance with the larger shift towards distributed defense. Instead of relying on a single and highly concentrated defense structure, regional security would increasingly be shaped by networks that overlap. In this model, resilience would not be achieved by perfection at a single point, but by redundancy across multiple nodes.

In this novel architecture, South Korea’s role would be not to replace existing arms suppliers or compete with Israel’s defense industry. Rather, it is to fill the vacuum: a role in expanding the overall volume of the regional defense network by providing expandable, swiftly deployable, and cost-efficient systems.

Israel’s qualitative military superiority was based on adaptability to constantly fluctuating threats. In an era defined by missile saturation and repeated large-scale attacks, such adaptability should be extended beyond national borders.

The next conflict Israel might face may be neither limited nor short-lived. Rather, it could involve sustained pressure across multiple fronts. In this environment, the key question is not whether Israel could conduct self-defense, but whether the broader region could absorb and diffuse the scale of the theater.

By strengthening the defense capacity of neighboring countries, South Korea could contribute—albeit in an indirect fashion—to reinforcing Israel’s defense.

About the Author
Dr. Ju Hyung Kim currently serves as a President at the Security Management Institute, a defense think tank affiliated with the South Korean National Assembly. He has been involved in numerous defense projects and has provided consultation to several key organizations, including the Republic of Korea Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Defense Acquisition Program Administration, the Ministry of National Defense, the Korea Institute for Defense Analysis, the Agency for Defense Development, and the Korea Research Institute for Defense Technology Planning and Advancement. He holds a doctoral degree in international relations from the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) in Japan, a master’s degree in conflict management from the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), and a degree in public policy from Seoul National University’s Graduate School of Public Administration (GSPA).
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