Zion Evrony

8 diplomatic ways to bring peace in the Middle East

Right now, unconventional diplomacy just might accomplish what decades of a traditional approach did not - if President Trump follows through
US President Donald Trump speaks to reporters at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland as he departs to deliver remarks at a Salute to America Celebration at the Iowa State Fairgrounds in Des Moines on July 3, 2025. (ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS / AFP)
US President Donald Trump speaks to reporters at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland as he departs to deliver remarks at a Salute to America Celebration at the Iowa State Fairgrounds in Des Moines on July 3, 2025. (ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS / AFP)

Diplomacy has been, since ancient times, the pillar of international politics and a way of conducting relations between nations without resorting to the use of force. In his book, World Restored, Kissinger defined diplomacy as “the art of restraining the exercise of power.”

Following the war with Iran, the collapse of Hezbollah’s military infrastructure in Lebanon, and the crippling of Hamas in Gaza after 20 months of war, Israel finds itself at the peak of its military power and a pivotal moment. With new leadership in Lebanon, Syria, and Iran weakened, it is now time for Israel to turn to diplomacy and to translate its military successes into diplomatic initiatives.

Israel has won critical battles, but neither peace nor the end of Iran’s nuclear program can be achieved by force alone. Without a bold and visionary diplomatic strategy, these military achievements risk fading into a cycle of future violence. Now is the moment to translate military success into political progress, to shape a new regional order built not only on deterrence and power, but also on agreements, normalization, mutual recognition, and peace. However, Israel’s military performance may be interpreted by Jordan, Egypt, and probably others as a threat, rather than an incentive to enter new alliances with it. This diplomacy must be rooted in realism, courage, prudence, and long-term vision. The following are principles that should anchor this future diplomatic path:

  1. An end to the war in Gaza, the return of all Israeli hostages, and the release of the agreed-upon number of Palestinian prisoners, followed by the withdrawal of all Israeli forces to the pre-October 7, 2023, lines.
  2. Demilitarized Gaza, governed by a multinational Arab force, including participation from the Palestinian Authority. Hamas might remain a political party but without military capability. Its top leaders would be deported to other Arab countries. These demands would be challenging for Hamas to accept, as they negate the very reason for its existence. The governing body would oversee the reconstruction of Gaza, supported by international aid from the US, the EU, and the Gulf countries.
  3. The resumption of direct Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, under US mediation, based on Trump’s “Deal of the Century” proposal to establish a demilitarized Palestinian state. As an immediate step, Israel would take measures to stop the violence of settlers against Palestinians in the West Bank and the building of new settlements, and the Palestinian Authority would stop incitement against Israel and support of terrorists. The new regional order of peace will be difficult to achieve without concrete steps towards the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict beyond Gaza. American acceptance of this principle and active involvement in pursuing it would be key.
  4. Progress toward a peace agreement and normalization of relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia, expanding the Abraham Accords, and anchoring Saudi leadership in a new regional framework of stability. However, Saudi Arabia cannot proceed in this direction unless Israel changes its policy toward the Palestinian aspiration for a sovereign state beyond what was proposed by President Trump. We cannot underestimate the severe impact of the Gaza war on stiffening the Saudi attitude regarding normalized relations with Israel.
  5. A new partnership status for countries that wish to participate in the Abraham Accords but are not yet ready to establish formal peace with Israel. This status would be referred to as “observer state” under the Abraham Accords, meaning that they closely monitor developments, but are not yet positioned to pursue normalization with Israel. Lebanon and Syria can initially join under this status. Lebanon could then normalize ties with Israel, following the resolution of its border dispute with Israel and as part of a broader regional security arrangement that ensures the disarmament of Hezbollah. Syria would start security negotiations with Israel, along with Israeli withdrawal to the 1974 disengagement lines, and resume peace negotiations based on prior US-sponsored mediation efforts. Iranian forces and proxies would fully withdraw from Syrian territory as part of this process.
  6. Inviting Oman, Indonesia, Malaysia, and additional Muslim-majority countries to join the normalization framework, signaling broader acceptance of Israel by the Islamic world and reinforcing a regional commitment to peace.
  7. In parallel, the resumption of US–Iran negotiations, focusing on permanently ending Iran’s nuclear weapons and enrichment program, halting Tehran’s support for terrorist proxies, and stopping its calls for the destruction of Israel. Other great powers, Russia, China, and the EU, would be involved in the process. In return, sanctions on Iran would be lifted gradually.
  8. A new level of security relationship between Israel and the US. A new security agreement that would include the preservation of Israel’s qualitative military edge, with freedom of action in threat scenarios, American backing, and long-term assistance. This would serve as a pact for regional stability, and it would provide Prime Minister Netanyahu with diplomatic flexibility.

The above principles and goals, once dismissed as unrealistic, may now be within reach. They would, of course, result in the realignment of the current political alliances in Israel, but the majority of Israelis support these goals.

This is a rare moment in history when bold leadership can reshape the region. The key is President Trump’s leadership and personal commitment to these goals. He brokered the Abraham Accords and eased tensions between India and Pakistan, as well as between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, demonstrating that unconventional diplomacy can achieve what decades of traditional diplomacy cannot.

With President Trump, Prime Minister Netanyahu, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and newly elected leaders in Syria and Lebanon, a constellation of decision-makers exists with the authority and the incentive to act boldly. As John F. Kennedy said, “Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.”

These proposals may sound ambitious, even improbable. But so too did the peace between Israel and Egypt, between Israel and Jordan, and the Abraham Accords themselves. Diplomatic imagination, paired with strategic patience and firm US leadership, can forge a path out of the rubble and put an end to the suffering of Israelis and Palestinians.

Israel has paid a high price in blood, trauma, and international isolation. It is time to begin the long process of healing, restoring trust in its democratic institutions, and rehabilitating its global image, which now lies in deep disrepair.

This vision is not utopian. It is urgent, necessary, and realistic. The alternative is continued war, the death of Israeli soldiers and Palestinian civilians, declining international legitimacy, and the erosion of Israel’s strategic gains.

With creative diplomacy, Israel can achieve its greatest interest, which is peace with its neighbors. Hopefully, Prime Minister Netanyahu’s visit to Washington this Monday is the first step in this direction.

It is high time for diplomacy.

About the Author
Zion Evrony was Israel’s ambassador to Ireland and to the Vatican, and he was head of the Foreign Ministry’s Policy Planning Division. He is currently an adjunct professor at universities in the United States. His memoir, Holy Land Holy See, will be published soon by Academica Press.
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