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Veysi Dag
Research Fellow at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Abraham Accords’ Success and Rojava’s Survival Depend on Jewish-Kurdish Alliance

The author captured this image during the Seherane Festival in Jerusalem.
The author captured this image during the Seherane Festival in Jerusalem.

The Kurdish efforts and sacrifices on the battlefield in Syria have reached a significant level, but their ultimate success can only be fully realized with the support of a robust and strategic alliance. Without such an alliance, victories achieved against ruthless adversaries are unlikely to be sustainable. This reality is evident in post-Assad Syria, which has become a battleground for various regional and international powers, each supported by their proxies. Since the fall of the pro-Iranian Assad regime on December 8, 2024, the Kurdish population has become a primary target for Sunni jihadists aligned with the Turkish regime in Ankara. The Turkish government and its Syrian National Army (SNA) have specifically targeted Kurdish civilians and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in regions such as Tishreen Dam and Kobane. These attacks have led to the deaths of dozens of Kurdish civilians and left hundreds more injured. Pro-Turkish jihadist social media accounts have circulated disturbing footage of drone strikes on civilians dancing and singing at Tishreen Dam. Additionally, on the night of March 17, 2025, Turkish air forces bombed a family home in northern Kobane, killing all family members, including children. Kurdish forces and their achievements are consistently under threat from both the Turkish state and its jihadist proxies in Syria.

The Kurds of Rojava have faced a long history of oppression, disenfranchisement, and persecution, particularly under the Arab-nationalist regimes in Syria. These regimes implemented policies aimed at erasing Kurdish identity, including the prohibition of the Kurdish language, denial of citizenship, and forced Arabization. The tragic cinema fire of 1960, which resulted in the deaths of 283 Kurdish children, and the 1962 Decree 93, which stripped 120,000 Kurds of their citizenship, are stark examples of systemic violence and marginalization faced by the Kurdish population. The Syrian government’s crackdown intensified in 2004, leading to the death, imprisonment, or disappearance of many Kurds.

Despite the weakening of Bashar al-Assad’s regime since 2011, Kurds in Rojava continued to face violence, including genocidal attacks by groups such as ISIS and Al-Nusra (currently Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham). The Turkish state’s military interventions in 2018 and 2019 led to ethnic cleansing in Afrin and Serê Kanîye, along with targeted drone strikes, resulting in significant Kurdish casualties. Despite these immense challenges, Kurdish forces managed to defeat ISIS and prevent the resurgence of jihadist groups, thereby safeguarding both Kurdish and broader regional security. Furthermore, they established an inclusive, secular model in Rojava, where communities of diverse religious, ethnic, and gender identities live freely.

Rojava has made significant progress toward statehood, establishing its constitution, judicial systems, administrative institutions, internal security forces, and, most importantly, armed forces. These structures ensure the freedom and protection of its diverse communities while defending against external threats. However, the Erdogan regime views these achievements as a threat to its expansionist and colonialist ambitions, aiming to control all of Syrian territory and establish a centralized, sectarian regime dominated by former Sunni-Islamist terrorists and jihadists. This model, rooted in the radical jihadist ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, presents an existential threat not only to the Kurds but also to other non-Sunni groups in the region. Jihadist groups have already targeted Alawite and Druze communities in various parts of Syria, leading to the forced disappearance of civilians from non-Sunni backgrounds, particularly in Damascus.

As these communities face an ongoing threat to their survival, the jihadists also pose a long-term threat to Syria’s neighbors, especially Israel. It is important to highlight that Al-Sharaa, a former member of the Al-Qaeda terrorist network and current ally of the Erdogan regime, with its imperialist ambitions, harbors deep hostility toward Israel. Backed by Turkey, Al-Sharaa and his forces could target Israel at any time. Indeed, several jihadists have explicitly threatened Israel, even claiming that Jerusalem is their next target. Inspired by Hamas’ atrocities on October 7, they have drawn images of seizing Jerusalem in Idlib and Damascus. These statements align with the Turkish regime’s recent hostile rhetoric toward Israel, where the Turkish interior minister has declared Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa as the Turkish imperialistic “red line,” further undermining Israel’s sovereignty.

The image was taken in Idlib, Syria, a city previously controlled by jihadist forces under Al-Sharaa until the fall of the Assad regime. It illustrates how these jihadist groups, inspired by Hamas, aim to seize Al-Aqsa.
This photo is courtesy of Ronya Othmann.

The dual threat posed by Erdogan’s regime and by jihadist forces under the leadership of Al-Sharaa, a Turkish puppet, highlights the precarious position faced by Jewish, Kurdish, and Druze societies—populations with a shared history of persecution, similar secular visions, and, most importantly, a mutual commitment to democratic values and peaceful coexistence. Minoritized populations in the Middle East must take the threats from Erdogan and his jihadist allies seriously, as Turkey presents a different challenge compared to Iran. While Iran’s Shia-based regime has been pushed into pariah status, excluded from Western institutions, and lacks access to sophisticated weaponry, Turkey—which is led by a regime friendly with the Muslim Brotherhood doctrines and enjoys Sunni Islamist support—is integrated into key European institutions, including NATO, and possesses access to advanced NATO weaponry. Turkey’s geostrategic position between Europe and the Middle East further enhances its influence.

Turkey’s imperialist ambitions aim to achieve two objectives: the homogenization of the region’s multi-religious and multi-ethnic populations through political Islam—either through forced assimilation or eradication—and the expansion of its territorial control, starting with Syria, Iraq, and ultimately, Jerusalem. This aggressive Turkish policy poses a direct threat to the existence of all non-Sunni, secular, and hybrid societies, including Kurds, Jews, and other ethnic and religious communities.

The ongoing Turkish invasions of Kurdish regions in northeast Syria, along with the persistent assaults targeting civilians and their infrastructure, serve Erdogan’s imperialist agenda of homogenization and colonization. In 2022, Erdogan explicitly rejected the peace process between Jewish and Arab states under the Abraham Accords framework, a stance with far-reaching consequences. By rejecting these accords, Erdogan aims to sabotage the peace process while pursuing the colonization of Jerusalem, Israel’s ancient capital, thereby threatening Israel’s sovereignty.

To counter the imperialist ambitions of Erdogan’s ultranationalist coalition, a multidimensional alliance among Jews, Kurds, Druze, and Alawites—based on shared interests for survival and rooted in mutual trust and responsibility—has never been more urgent. This alliance, grounded in anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist principles, could encompass both military and diplomatic cooperation, while focusing on people-to-people cultural and educational exchanges to promote mutual respect and understanding among these diverse communities.

In other words, the survival of Jewish, Kurdish, and other ethnic and religious groups in the Middle East depends on their unity in pursuing collective security and survival. Their shared interests and common values are crucial for fostering rapprochement. The Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar has described the Kurds as “natural allies,” signaling the first courageous step toward this alliance. In this context, the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has expressed Israel’s readiness to extend a hand of friendship to both the Druze and the Kurds.

In response, Kurdish General Mazloum Abdi of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) thanked all nations, including Israel, for their support in ensuring the survival of the Kurdish people. Additionally, Kurdish politician Ilham Ehmed has highlighted the importance of Israel’s involvement in shaping a new Syria, given its geographic proximity and regional influence.

These sentiments from policymakers reflect the broader perspectives of their communities, with both Kurdish and Jewish populations expressing strong mutual sympathy and solidarity. Kurdish and Israeli politicians have also articulated a shared interest in a decentralized model for Syria, one that promotes peaceful coexistence by recognizing and respecting the rights of diverse ethnic and religious communities. The successful implementation of this model could further the goals of the Abraham Accords, contributing to the transformation of the Middle East into a region of lasting peace.

In this regard, the Kurdish vision aligns with the spirit of the Abraham Accords through its secular, decentralized, and inclusive framework, which warrants support from Israel and the Western world. This model not only strengthens Israel’s security but also supports Rojava’s self-determination and the survival of all multi-ethnic and multi-religious communities in peaceful coexistence, fostering harmony throughout the region. It would counter the imperialist Turkish threat to the entire region, preventing the establishment of a Sunni-Islamist caliphate and stopping Erdogan’s jihadist loyalists from perpetrating violence against Kurds, Druze, and Alawites. Therefore, the alliance and friendship between Israeli and Kurdish leadership must transcend rhetoric and be solidified to effectively counter the Turkish-Sunni threat.

About the Author
The author is a research fellow at the Department of International Relations of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
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