Juda Engelmayer
Crisis Communicator, Droll Dragon

Before We Call It a Betrayal

(AI)
(AI)

Over the last several days, I have watched many people declare that President Trump’s agreement with Iran is a betrayal of Israel, a surrender to terrorism, or proof that he has abandoned one of America’s closest allies.

Having now seen some of the reported terms of the agreement, I understand why many people are upset. I understand why some see sanctions relief, economic concessions, and negotiations with a regime they rightly despise as unacceptable. I understand because I share much of their concern.

For years, I have known that the Islamic Republic of Iran represents one of the greatest threats to stability in the Middle East. Its leaders have spent decades threatening Israel, sponsoring terrorism, funding proxies, and exporting violence throughout the region. Like many supporters of Israel, I hoped this war would fundamentally weaken the regime and perhaps even create conditions for its eventual collapse.

That was my hope, but hope and governing are not the same thing.

For some people, any agreement with Iran must automatically be appeasement. For others, any effort to avoid war must automatically be wisdom. Both sides often reach conclusions before fully understanding the broader realities that shaped the decision.

The reality is far more complicated.

What we do know is that war carries costs. The conflict with Iran was taking a toll on the United States economically, strategically, and politically. Americans were watching another overseas conflict consume attention, resources, and political capital. Businesses were watching markets. Families were watching prices. Military families were watching developments with understandable concern about what escalation might mean.

There was also the possibility of something far worse. A prolonged conflict could have led to American casualties, deeper military involvement, a wider regional war, and consequences that none of us can fully predict. Whether one supported military action or opposed it, those realities had to be part of the calculation.

There is another uncomfortable reality that many supporters of Israel seem reluctant to acknowledge – presidents do not govern in a vacuum.

Whatever one thinks about this agreement, Donald Trump does not make decisions solely as a friend of Israel. He makes them the President of the United States.

He was facing a war that carried significant economic risks. He was facing growing concerns among Americans about inflation, energy prices, overseas military involvement, and the possibility of a broader conflict. He was facing political realities heading into the pivotal midterm elections that will impact decisions about Israel and Jewish ideals going forward – make no mistake about that.

He was also facing pressure from different factions within his own coalition, including supporters who increasingly questioned American involvement in foreign wars. Whether those concerns should have influenced the decision is a fair subject for debate. Pretending they did not exist is not.

A president’s responsibility is to balance competing interests. Sometimes those interests align. Sometimes they do not. It does not mean every decision deserves praise.

Yet, it does mean that serious people should at least acknowledge the competing pressures before declaring that any compromise is evidence of betrayal. As American Jews, we occupy a unique place in this discussion. Many of us are passionate Zionists. We believe in Jewish nationhood. We believe Israel has a right to defend itself. We understand the danger posed by Iran and radical Islam in a way that the average American simply does not.

At the same time, we are Americans. We live here. We vote here. Our children grow up here. Our businesses depend on America’s economy. So much of our future is tied to the success of this country. That creates a tension that is not always comfortable. We want America to stand firmly with Israel, and we want our elected leaders to understand the dangers Israel faces. We also want them to recognize that Iran’s leaders have spent decades threatening Israel’s destruction and will continue to do so.

At the same time,  let me state the obvious – American presidents are responsible for more than Israel. They are responsible for American soldiers, American taxpayers, American businesses, and American voters.

The president must consider economic, political, and military realities, as well as public opinion, in ways that the rest of us often do not. The truth is that support for a prolonged conflict was beginning to fray. The president was facing opposition from Democrats, and the far left is gaining ground. He was facing growing skepticism among portions of his own political base, increasing pressure from isolationist voices within the Republican Party, and concerns from Americans who were worried about the economic consequences of a wider war.

Whether those concerns are justified is almost beside the point. That they existed is a reality. A president cannot simply pretend they do not.

Part of the challenge is that many supporters of Israel have not fully come to terms with how much American politics has changed. On the political left, anti-Israel sentiment has become increasingly mainstream in some circles, and the Democratic socialists are winning more. On the political right, a growing isolationist movement questions America’s involvement in overseas conflicts altogether.

The arguments differ, but the effect can be similar: less enthusiasm for foreign commitments, even when those commitments involve close allies, and much less when they involve a small nation that some in this country want to abandon.

Many supporters of Israel disagree with the ever-growing voices for a more restrained and less interventionist American foreign policy. I often find myself disagreeing with them as well. Yet ignoring the reality they are describing would be a mistake.

Whether we like it or not, there are millions of Americans who do not view the threat from Iran through the same lens that Jews often do. There are millions who worry first about inflation, energy prices, military deployments, and the possibility of another prolonged foreign conflict. We can debate whether they should learn to appreciate the real threats Iran and radical Islam pose.

American leaders should not operate solely within the framework of what is best for Israel. They must operate within the framework of what they believe is sustainable politically, economically, and strategically for the United States.

If we want to preserve long-term American support for Israel, which has been eroding at an alarming pace, we cannot ignore those realities. One of my concerns is that some supporters of Israel risk sending the wrong message.

If we appear indifferent to American economic concerns, American political realities, or the possibility of American casualties so long as Iran is defeated, we should not be surprised when others question where our priorities lie. It is a political reality. Supporting Israel should never require us to stop caring about America, just as supporting America should never require us to stop caring about Israel.

For generations, American Jews have managed to hold both commitments simultaneously. We have been proud Americans and proud Zionists. We have understood that our responsibilities do not begin and end with a single issue, even one as important as Israel’s security.

President Trump has probably done more for Israel than any president in modern history. That does not mean every decision he makes will be correct. It does mean that before accusing him of betrayal, we should recognize the political, economic, and strategic pressures he was facing.

If we are going to call ourselves good Americans, we have to be willing to consider what is best for America, even when the answer is uncomfortable. Supporting Israel and supporting America should not be mutually exclusive obligations. If we expect our fellow Americans to understand why Israel matters to us, then we must also demonstrate that we understand why America matters to each of us.

Being pro-Israel does not make us less American.

Being good Americans does not make us less pro-Israel.

The overwhelming majority of American Jews have never seen those loyalties as being in conflict, and we should be careful before allowing politics to convince us otherwise.

Perhaps this agreement will prove to be a mistake. Perhaps it will prevent a larger war. Maybe it will buy time, or more likely, it will collapse. Time will answer those questions.

What is most concerning is something else: our willingness to assume betrayal whenever an American president is forced to balance Israeli interests against American realities. That balance has never been easy, and it is not easy now. Petending otherwise does not make the challenge disappear.

About the Author
Juda Engelmayer is the president of HeraldPR, a leading public relations and crisis mitigation firm and a partner with Converge Public Strategies. With decades of experience in media, strategic communications, crisis management, and public affairs, Juda leads a growing team and oversees a diverse portfolio of high-profile clients. Before launching HeraldPR, Juda spent ten years as Senior Vice President at 5W Public Relations, where he led major accounts and spearheaded crisis communications efforts across industries. Earlier, he served as Chief Communications Officer for the American Jewish Congress, where he played a pivotal role in revitalizing the nearly century-old organization’s public profile and influence. Juda also served as Vice President at Rubenstein Associates, one of New York’s premier PR firms, where he managed a wide range of clients—from foreign governments and nonprofit organizations to entertainment, healthcare, and international business ventures. His client roster has included the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, UNIEC, the Global Peace Initiative with Dr. Kilari Anand Paul, Christians United for Israel, Broadway Stages, and Hudson International, among others. He began his career in public service as Executive Assistant to New York State Comptroller H. Carl McCall, serving from McCall’s appointment in 1992 through two successful election campaigns, before transitioning into public relations in 2000. Read more in his recent New York Times profile: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/03/style/harvey-weinstein-pr-juda-engelmayer.html
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