Bringing Our Hostages Home: A Path Forward

The hostage-ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas, brokered by the U.S., Qatar, and Egypt, sought a phased release of hostages. Phase one secured the return of 33 hostages in exchange for a ceasefire, more humanitarian aid, Israeli withdrawals from Gaza, and the release of terrorist prisoners. Phase two proposed a full Israeli withdrawal and a permanent ceasefire in return for the remaining 59 hostages, with at least 24 believed alive. Phase three focused on Gaza’s reconstruction. 

The October 7th massacre, during the Jewish holiday of Simchat Torah, saw over 1,200 Israelis murdered by Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups and thousands wounded. Victims endured brutal atrocities, including sexual violence and mutilation. The genocidal attack had elements of ethnic cleansing and has been described as featuring ‘kinocide.’ Even Israeli peace activists were abducted or killed. The IDF’s response has severely damaged Hamas’s infrastructure, but a permanent ceasefire risks allowing Hamas to rearm and reconstitute its terrorist forces. For this point, it is also crucial to understand the concept of ‘hudna’ which is when a Jihadi army is in a position of weakness, and it desires temporary measures and a strategic pause to rebuild itself. It is not a peace agreement but a mere tactical pause, solely for the purpose of rearming and preparing for the next attack. 

The Current Situation: Where are we now?

Phase one’s outcomes are mixed, bringing both relief and heartbreak. While many Israeli and foreign hostages were freed – including two who had been held in Gaza for ten years, sparking immense joy across the country – others were not as fortunate. Shiri Bibas HY”D and her children, Kfir HY”D (9 months old when abducted) and Ariel HY”D (4 years old when abducted) were murdered in captivity, and returned in coffins. The IDF believe the boys were killed by terrorists with their “bare hands,” who then committed further atrocities to cover up their crime. Hamas’s cruel treatment of hostages, including public humiliation, psychological abuse, and forcing captives to attend propaganda ceremonies, has sparked outrage. The degrading ceremony that included the Bibas boys, notably included all Palestinian factions inside the Gaza Strip, and many civilians also attended. They are designed to exploit suffering, increase psychological warfare, and ridicule the sanctity of the dead. Even officials from Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE have condemned Hamas for these ceremonies. Hamas also did not even initially release Shiri’s body.  

Despite international law, the Red Cross failed to visit the hostages for over 500 days of captivity. Worse, they have even participated in Hamas propaganda ceremonies, sparking outrage. Their participation legitimises this kind of psychological warfare. While they demand access to Palestinian Arab prisoners in Israeli jails, showing blatant hypocrisy.  

Hamas has also committed several violations, including attempted rocket fire on Israeli civilian communities that fell inside Gaza, as well as delays in hostage releases. Both Israel and the Trump Administration exerted pressure throughout these violations. Some hostages were released in poor physical health, emaciated, and resembling Holocaust survivors. Hamas also forced hostages Evyatar David and Guy Gilboa-Dalal, who are yet to be released, to attend one of the ceremonies when other living hostages were released; filming their pain and broadcasting it to the world.  

Hundreds of terrorist prisoners, including many senior terrorists like Ahmad Barghouti, have been released, to Gaza, Judea, Samaria, and even eastern Jerusalem, while some, mostly those serving life sentences, have been deported to Egypt, with concerns about their high likelihood to return to terror. 

A possible Extension of Phase One?

Many Israelis believe there is no time left for the hostages, after hearing about their situation in captivity. Alon Ohel, a male Israeli hostage who is yet to be released, was reported by other hostages to be “held in chains.” Many parents and family members of hostages are putting public pressure on the Israeli government to make sure their relatives come home, and for the second phase to be agreed. 

However, not everyone agrees. Some Israelis, including prominent members of the government, are calling for the war against Hamas in Gaza to be renewed and continued military pressure to force their eventual release. Some fear that this could lead to Hamas executing more hostages, or some potentially dying in Israeli strikes. 

Phase one has now ended. Hostages are still held in Gaza and Hamas currently remains in power; despite the heavy pressure they have faced from Israel. It is likely that Hamas also benefits from prolonging negotiations, to delay military action and secure additional concessions from Israel. In response, Israel has decided to block the entry of aid to the Gaza Strip until more hostages are released.  

Israel’s war goals, set by Prime Minister Netanyahu, to return all the hostages, destroy Hamas, and ensure Gaza “never again poses a threat to Israel,” remain unfulfilled. Hamas has vowed to repeat the October 7th massacre “again and again”. Because of the latter goals, it is expected that Israel does not plan to continue with the second phase of the deal. With Israel likely opposing Phase two and the U.S. opposing any role for Hamas at the conclusion of the war, extending Phase one is a potential option. Israel is reportedly seeking a 42-day extension, that would see three hostages released each week. 

Hamas’s desire for calm in Gaza during Ramadan offers leverage. Israel should demand the release of all remaining hostages in exchange for a ceasefire through Ramadan and Passover, and some further concessions. This ultimatum could be crucial.  

However, it has been reported that as of now, Hamas rejects an extension of the first phase and wants to see the second phase. Although, some earlier reports suggested that Hamas could be interested in extending Phase one to pursue a longer ceasefire during Ramadan, as well as more aid and more prisoners released. 

What if neither an extension of Phase one, nor the implementation of Phase two is agreed? What will happen to the hostages? 

If neither is agreed upon, renewed fighting is likely, and the IDF appears to be readying for this. Incoming IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir has reportedly prepared plans for intensive military pressure until the complete destruction of Hamas and the conquering of Gaza. This would include reduced humanitarian aid, which would be allowed only in humanitarian buffer zones in Southern Gaza. It would also include an IDF return to the Netzarim corridor. Many have suggested that Hamas has used the aid that has entered Gaza to continue to hold power over the people of Gaza. In January, the Jewish News Syndicate even reported that through the delivery of cameras within the aid, Hamas was able to remotely detonate explosives in Northern Gaza that likely killed multiple Israeli soldiers.

Hamas has turned Gaza’s suffering into a profitable industry. Despite receiving billions in international aid yet most of it has been used for rockets, and terror tunnels. Hamas leader Khaled Mashal is worth $5 billion and former Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was worth $4 billion before he was eliminated by Israel. 

Along with significant military pressure, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich proposes leveraging Gaza’s land to pressure Hamas, suggesting annexing 10% of northern Gaza, likely in the areas of the former Jewish communities of Nisanit, Dugit and Elei Sinai that were evacuated in 2005, with more land taken for every 48 hours without hostage releases, and more land taken for any murdered hostages. This leverages Hamas’s desire to retain control of Gaza and could be highly effective. Northern Gaza is especially important as it overlooks Israeli communities, including some which were affected on October 7th. Hamas’s legitimacy among its supporters depends on “liberating” land. They also desire the destruction and annihilation of Israel, as explicitly explained in their founding charter. However, the loss of territory could force them to yield. The threat of territorial loss to Israel may be the only leverage strong enough to break Hamas’s hold and release the hostages. 

Some also doubt, that even if Phase two were agreed, that Hamas would return all the hostages. If Hamas is not completely defeated, other terrorist groups may feel emboldened to attack Israel or even Western countries. 

Intense military pressure and annexations could force Hamas to capitulate, but this must also be paired with intense diplomatic pressure on the regimes that support Hamas such as Iran, Qatar, Turkey, Egypt, and South Africa. Qatar harbours Hamas leaders, funds them and supports them. It is not home just to Hamas leaders like Khaled Mashaal though, it also has a major U.S. military base! The U.S. and other countries have sanctioned countries before for harbouring and supporting terrorists. Why does Qatar get a free pass?  

Leveraging Territory for Hostage Releases 

Middle Eastern conflicts hinge on “honour.” Israeli control over any part of Gaza would humiliate Hamas and weaken their standing. After Hamas’s defeat, Israel should annex strategic areas and re-establish Jewish communities in the Strip to protect southern Israel, as well as create a buffer zone. This would pressure Hamas and its allies that the release of all hostages is the only thing that would prevent total Israeli sovereignty within the Strip. This aligns with President Trump’s focus on hostage returns, his desire for peace through strength and vision for a transformed Gaza that would see the United States rebuilding it into an economic haven, relocating much of its Arab residents and American control over the area. Videos from Gaza show that some Gazans would like to leave and start a new life elsewhere. Although, unlike countries accepting refugees from Syria and Ukraine, the Arab world wants to keep the residents of Gaza trapped, with no option to voluntarily emigrate.  

The premise of President Trump’s idea is inspiring, however Israeli control is essential. A part of the Land of Israel should not be divided, nor in the hands of a foreign power. President Trump is unapologetically pro-Israel, but what is to say that the next President will feel the same way? History demonstrates that only Israel and the Jewish people can guarantee our own security. Jewish history makes one truth abundantly clear: only we successfully protect one another, and time and time again, we have learned that we cannot rely on anyone else. The 2005 disengagement, which led to the October 7th massacre, was a strategic error. It emboldened Hamas to launch rockets onto Israeli communities and eventually the massacre on October 7th. The Jewish communities that existed in Gaza before, acted as a buffer for the communities of Southern Israel. 

Gaza is historically part of the Land of Israel, with deep Jewish roots. A Jewish resettlement in Gaza is the only “real victory” Hamas would understand. Reversing the disengagement is not just a strategic necessity but a historical right. Gaza was home to some of the world’s oldest and most continuous Jewish communities from the time of Joshua, before being expelled and violently attacked in Arab riots prior to Israel’s re-establishment in 1948. The Book of Joshua itself also refers to Gaza as belonging to Judah, and it is part of the land that is promised to the Jewish people. Jews are indigenous to Gaza. Eliezer Ben Yehuda, one of the founders of modern Zionism, who revived the Hebrew language, even visited a school in Gaza. In the fifteenth century, several Jews lived in Gaza and produced wine. The Jewish presence continued after the Second Temple era, with records of synagogues and scholars. There are many Jewish connections to Gaza – both historically and biblically, and Gaza is mentioned in the Tanakh several times. It is where Samson fought the Philistines.  

After the Six-Day War, when Israel liberated Gaza from Egyptian occupation, beautiful Jewish communities existed throughout the Gaza Strip, from Netzarim to Kfar Darom, as well as formerly in the Sinai Peninsula. The establishment of these Jewish communities in Gaza provided economic opportunities and security. Homes, synagogues, and greenhouses stood proud. In fact, Kfar Darom has been repeatedly destroyed and then rebuilt. Giving up land to our enemies is not only strategically misguided, but we have also tried it before, and it has proven disastrous. In 2005, Israel did not give up Gaza to Hamas, but to the Palestinian Authority, who were later thrown off rooftops by Hamas terrorists. This authority, sometimes labelled as “moderate,” announced this week that “every penny” they had would go to their “martyrs.” 

Similar withdrawals in Lebanon and the Sinai have created security threats. Hezbollah emerged soon after Israel withdrew from Southern Lebanon, while after returning Sinai to Egypt, its control has been both weak and dangerous for Israel: Sinai has seen ISIS insurgencies, tanks have built up on Israel’s border, and even tunnels were found underneath the Philadelphi Corridor. Israel believes this border to be the reason Hamas has managed to receive funding and weapons from Iran and other countries. Jewish communities often serve as a first line of defence. Many believe that the Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria even protect Tel Aviv and the centre of the country from terror and rocket attacks. 

For some, the colour orange now holds a dual significance and a connection that cannot be ignored – symbolising both the unspeakable tragedy endured by the Bibas family as well as the struggle and rejection felt by those expelled from Gush Katif during the 2005 disengagement. Maintaining territory won in defensive wars is legal and a powerful deterrent. The Middle East respects strength – the ancient Kingdom of Israel was strong and decisive. If we continue to lack the courage to demonstrate our deep roots in this land, our commitment to the land, and our love of the land, we will be the ones who are forced to make concessions in the name of a “peace” that will never come. This approach sends a clear and important message to our enemies. To deter Hezbollah, Iran, and terrorists in Syria. To make clear that we are not afraid to conquer territory if war is waged against us.  

Government figures like Smotrich and others support this idea, including some from the ruling Likud party. While some criticise it, arguing that evacuees from southern and northern communities have not yet returned, or that it could perpetuate violence, viable alternatives are scarce, and a return to those areas can only happen with absolute security guarantees. Arab countries, despite strongly condemning Trump’s proposal, simultaneously reject any involvement without an immediate Israeli commitment to a two-state solution. 

Addressing criticism 

Critics argue this approach will not secure hostage releases. However, without pressure, hostages remain at risk. Israel must adopt a stance of deterrence. Hamas will only respond to overwhelming force and the tangible threat of territorial loss. Anyone affiliated to Hamas cannot remain in Gaza.  

The definition of insanity is to keep doing the same thing and expecting different results. The two-state solution is dead. October 7th killed it. Polls show Israeli support for it has collapsed post-October 7th. Do you still believe that the Palestinian Authority can be a partner for peace, given its support for terrorism and corruption? They have refused to condemn October 7th, been unable to keep Hamas from areas they control in Judea and Samaria, pay salaries to terrorists, and Fatah-affiliated militants were present at the humiliating hostage ceremonies. In fact, one of the sons of the first leaders of Hamas, Mosab Hasan Yousef, believes the Palestinian Authority could be more dangerous than Hamas, because of the money they have secured and where they have allocated it.  

No international actor can guarantee Israel’s security or bring meaningful improvements to Gaza. Any form of international governance would undermine Israel’s security, weaken the deterrence restored during this war, risk reinforcing the false narrative of colonialism, and ultimately fail to achieve lasting peace. 

The past fifteen months have exposed the deep infiltration of terrorist elements within UNRWA and other NGOs, while UNIFIL’s failure in Lebanon emboldened Hezbollah to attack Israel. Egypt has made its stance clear: it does not want Gazans in its territory, except for a privileged few who can smuggle their way out. Just this week, Cairo rejected a proposal aimed at countering President Trump’s plan, which included temporary Egyptian involvement – an idea proposed by now-Opposition Leader Yair Lapid. 

Meanwhile, Egypt and Arab League countries have put forward ambitious proposals, yet they refuse to even mention Hamas by name. If they cannot acknowledge that Hamas is the biggest roadblock to stability, how can their plans be taken seriously? 

Gaza’s future must be shaped by those with a genuine stake in Israel’s security and regional stability – not by international actors who have repeatedly failed to deliver real solutions. 

In the aftermath of October 7th, Israel alone must hold full sovereignty over Gaza. Not Hamas. Not Fatah. Not Egypt. Not even the United States. 

Hamas can be defeated. Ideologies fade to insignificance when faced with sustained military and territorial pressure. This happened after World War Two and often throughout history. The IDF, unburdened by past constraints, of pressure from the Biden administration, and fear of harming hostages, could be able to inflict considerable damage on their remaining infrastructure and terrorist militants. This plan also targets the core of Hamas’s ideology itself and belief in an Islamic Land of Israel, with all its Jews eliminated. Defeating Hamas is defeating the idea that Israel will be destroyed, and the country Judenrein. After October 7th and Hamas’s explicit desire to repeat the massacre, Israel has no option but to destroy them and prevent future massacres and abductions. Defeating Hamas weakens another chess piece in Iran’s axis. The October 7th massacre was meticulously planned by the Iranian regime – it was an assault on Middle Eastern peace. It is no coincidence that it happened on the brink of a historic peace between Israel and Saudi Arabia. Any solution that allows Hamas to remain in power is not only an invitation to the next massacre, but also the single largest obstacle to any peace between the Jewish people and the Arab people. 

The world cannot keep funding Gaza’s suffering while ignoring the root cause: the genocidal terrorist government, run by Hamas, that sees its people as worthless and disposable for the one purpose of destroying Israel and harming Jews. 

Israel must speak the language of strength and deterrence, as emphasised by experts like Dr. Mordechai Kedar and Arab-Israeli activists like Yoseph Haddad and Mosab Hassan Yousef. Negotiating on terms of terrorists is counterproductive. Israel could also consider increased psychological pressure on Hamas and expose them and try to isolate them further from the Arab world. This can be done in a few ways – exposing their war crimes through captured terrorists, revealing how their leaders live in luxury while the civilians they govern suffer, exposing their human shield strategy, and countering their propaganda.  

While global pressure mounts on Israel, the refusal by Hamas to disarm in any deal shows their intentions and reinforces the necessity of a forceful resolution. Israel cannot repeat past mistakes and agree to another ‘hudna,’ a ceasefire used only so Hamas can rebuild. 

Conclusion 

Despite deep emotional turmoil and internal divisions, unity is essential. Released hostages have confirmed that Hamas saw Israeli disunity as weakness – and that a unified Israel terrifies them. That same unity has been evident as Israelis collectively mourned the Bibas family HY”D and stood with the families of all the fallen hostages HY”D who have returned in recent weeks. A united front is necessary to ensure the safe return of all remaining hostages and to achieve a decisive victory. It is clear: there can be no victory without bringing them all home. 

Extending Phase one is preferable, but if negotiations fail, Israel must act decisively. The government must issue an ultimatum to the Hamas terror organisation to return the hostages and implement a realistic solution for long-term Israeli security and peace. 

Half-measures have failed. Now is the time for decisive action – to protect Israel’s future and secure lasting peace.