El-Sisi Calls for a solution to Egypt’s crisis. Will he listen?

The ongoing American-Israeli confrontation with Iran has placed the Egyptian state in a position where continued equivocation is no longer tenable. A clear and unequivocal stance is now required: will Cairo stand with the Gulf states, which have poured vast sums into Egypt since the popular uprising against the Muslim Brotherhood’s rule on June 30, 2013, or will it drift in the opposite direction?

Here, the resounding one might even say collapse has revealed itself. The world was taken aback, though I was not, by the fact that everything spoken, heard, seen, and broadcast from the heart of Cairo appeared, in both form and substance, to be strongly supportive of the clerical regime in Iran. To such an extent that some observers felt as though this narrative was being orchestrated from Tehran rather than Cairo. This is the cumulative outcome of decades of entrenched hostility toward Israel, carefully cultivated and continuously inflamed, until it reached a stage where the machinery of the Egyptian state could no longer recalibrate or repurpose it in the manner it had long relied upon.

This posture has precipitated a profound and unprecedented crisis between Egypt and the six member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, reflected in unusually sharp rhetoric from prominent writers, intellectuals, and journalists, widely regarded as echoing the positions of their respective governments.

For Gulf audiences, both official and public, this crisis has further deepened the stark contradictions between reality and the narrative consistently advanced for over a decade by President El-Sisi himself: that “Gulf security is a red line,” that “the security of the Gulf is integral to Egypt’s own security,” and that “the Egyptian military engages with the Gulf as it would with its own state.” All of this culminated in the now-famous phrase: “at a moment’s notice” (masāfat al-sikka), which became firmly embedded in the Gulf’s collective consciousness as a promise of immediate Egyptian military intervention in the face of any threat. The subsequent dissonance has given rise to widespread disillusionment so much so that some have gone as far as to describe what transpired as a “betrayal.”

At the heart of this turbulent scene, the impact on the Egyptian president himself has been unmistakable. His speech on March 14, delivered during the Egyptian Family Iftar at the Air Force House, left attendees stunned. They listened to the same man who once declared, “I swear to God, I have spent fifty years learning what a state means and I am still learning,” in January 2018 during the inauguration of the Zohr gas field in Port Said. Yet this time, he appeared unsettled, implicitly acknowledging a dilemma when he stated:

“We need those who write to truly understand; otherwise, Egypt’s problem would have already been solved. Why hasn’t it been solved? Either we, as officials, are incapable, or the magnitude of the problem is overwhelming.”

In the same address, he cautioned anyone proposing solutions against exaggeration, advising them to “stick to what they know, because the state is an entirely different matter,” before adding: “Whoever has a solution should come forward, we would genuinely be pleased to listen.”

These remarks come against the backdrop of what some economists describe as a catastrophic reality for the Egyptian state. In recent weeks, fuel prices gas, diesel, and petrol have been raised by three Egyptian pounds in a single move, an exceptional rather than routine increase. The price of a small cooking gas cylinder has risen from 225 to 275 pounds, and the larger one from 450 to 550, alongside sweeping increases in the prices of goods and produce. Meanwhile, the dollar has approached 53 Egyptian pounds, with the president himself hinting at further increases to come.

My homeland now stands at one of the most complex junctures in its modern history: a nation utterly exhausted, burdened with approximately $165 billion in external debt and trillions of pounds domestically, while ranking near the bottom of global indices in education, healthcare, and per capita income.

Within this context, I find it incumbent upon me, having been compelled to leave my country on April 1, 2018, solely for advocating a modern democratic state free from the binary of military rule and the Muslim Brotherhood, and for speaking positively about peace with Israel, to step forward. I left behind my wife and children in order to preserve my life, and we were not reunited until two years, three months, and eleven days later on July 12, 2020.

I endured conditions that can only be described as hellish in every sense of the word. Yet, willingly and without hesitation, I set all of that aside to present a clear and practical prescription for resolving Egypt’s crisis just as President El-Sisi has requested. More than that, I stand fully prepared to outline, in precise detail, the mechanisms for implementing what I will propose in the lines that follow.

A Roadmap for Egypt’s Rescue

Reintegrating the Egyptian military into its barracks, abolishing compulsory conscription, and reforming military curricula through humanization and modernization in line with the concept of contemporary national armies so that the armed forces become a purely professional defensive institution, removed from any roles beyond its core mandate.

The immediate withdrawal of the military from both politics and the economy, confining its role exclusively to safeguarding national security and defending the nation’s borders. This would restore the natural balance among state institutions and ensure that both the political and economic spheres fall fully under civilian administration.

Undertaking a comprehensive and profound reform of the judiciary, guaranteeing its full independence as the primary guarantor of justice and the rule of law, and ensuring a genuine separation of powers.

Suspending the current constitution and establishing a specialized committee to update the 1923 Constitution in a manner consistent with the realities of the modern world. This renewed constitution should lay the foundations for a modern civil state based on full citizenship and absolute equality among all citizens, while explicitly enshrining the principle of state secularism on the basis that the state has no religion, and that it is the height of extremism for a state to adopt an official religion. The state must stand at an equal distance from all its citizens without discrimination.

It is time to bring an end to the long-standing suffering of Copts in Egypt. Since the Islamic invasion, this suffering has largely persisted, with the exception of the Egyptian liberal era spanning from the 1919 Revolution to the 1952 coup only thirty-three years during which Copts lived under a framework of full citizenship. It is now time for the nearly 23 million Copts in Egypt to feel fully equal to Muslims in this country, alongside Baha’is, agnostics, non-religious individuals, atheists, and others.

The immediate release of all prisoners of conscience who have not participated in or incited violence, as a necessary step toward restoring public trust and reopening the national political space for de-escalation.

Launching a national economic plan centered on liberating the market from monopolistic control and supporting productive sectors, thereby redirecting the economy to serve society rather than entrenched networks of influence.

Initiating genuine democratic reforms that enable youth to participate meaningfully in shaping the country’s future and pave the way for a natural and peaceful political transition.

Fully opening the public sphere, guaranteeing civil liberties, freedom of the press, and the unimpeded operation of civil society organizations, as essential conditions for a healthy political life.

Removing religious institutions from public life and political decision-making, limiting their role strictly to spiritual guidance. This entails abolishing religious education at all levels and establishing the principle that education must be unified, civil in nature, and grounded in knowledge and reason.

Restoring Egyptians’ sense of ownership over their nation’s resources, ensuring that every citizen feels like a genuine partner in protecting the country, preserving it, and shaping its future.

Dismantling the discourse of hatred directed against “the other” within educational curricula and religious institutions. The time has come to cease reproducing internal contradictions and societal conflicts.

Rebuilding the educational system on the foundations of critical thinking and rational inquiry, rather than rote memorization and submission, thereby fostering individuals capable of understanding rather than mere reception.

Establishing full transparency in the management of public funds and subjecting national expenditure to independent institutional oversight that ensures accountability and protects public resources from misuse.

Redefining national security to begin with the Egyptian citizen their dignity and fundamental rights because the true security of the state is inseparable from the security of its people.

Launching a national project aimed at restoring trust between the state and society, opening a new horizon for overcoming divisions and building a renewed social contract.

Adopting a comprehensive framework of transitional justice that reveals the full truth, delivers justice to victims, provides reparations, and holds accountable those responsible for grave human rights violations free from revenge or political retribution. This would allow for turning the page on the past on fair foundations and pave the way for genuine national reconciliation.

In conclusion, one final word: if the president’s call encapsulated in his statement, “whoever has a solution should come forward” reflects a genuine recognition of the magnitude of the crisis, then this is my sincere attempt to place a workable vision on the table before a nation that can no longer afford further loss of time. Egypt today does not merely need crisis management; it needs the courage to transition from a logic of control to an entirely different paradigm, one that has been tested by many nations before us, which faced similar crises and have since become stable democracies worthy of emulation….Will Egypt’s president listen?