Europe, Netanyahu, and the Diplomatic Price of the Elections
Europe respects the choice of Israeli voters, but it has no intention of giving the next government, if one is formed, a blank check. The question in Brussels and other European capitals is not simply who will lead the government, but what policies that government will pursue and how long it will remain in office.
Israel’s elections are over, but for Europe, the important questions are only beginning. Will Benjamin Netanyahu remain prime minister? For how long? Will the next government manage to curb settler violence? And is Israel heading toward a further deterioration in its relations with the European Union (EU)?
In a statement issued the day after the election, the European External Action Service (EEAS) congratulated Israeli citizens on the high voter turnout, describing it as a reflection of Israel’s vibrant democracy. The EU expressed its willingness to work with the next government, building on the historic relationship between Israel and Europe and their shared commitment to democratic values.
It was a polite diplomatic statement, but also a carefully measured one. There was no personal congratulations to Netanyahu, no endorsement of a future coalition, and no commitment to changing European policy toward Israel. Europe respects the election results, but it will judge the next government solely by its actions.
This is where Netanyahu himself enters the picture. Over the years, he has become the figure most closely associated with Israel in Europe. He is perhaps the best-known Israeli prime minister on the continent, but also one of the Israeli leaders who has provoked the deepest political opposition there. For many Europeans, Netanyahu is the face of Israel, and that association does little to help Israeli-European relations.
European criticism is not simply a matter of Netanyahu’s personality or political style. It is tied to the war in Gaza, his policies toward the Palestinians, the settlements, and questions concerning Israeli democracy. Yet in international politics, the distinction between a leader and the country he represents often becomes blurred. European criticism of Netanyahu increasingly affects perceptions of Israel as a whole.
Hungary offers a particularly revealing example of how things have changed. For years, Viktor Orbán’s government provided Israel with important political backing within the EU. But with the election of Péter Magyar, the political landscape in Budapest has changed. Hungarian leaders are not necessarily interested in every detail of Israel’s coalition negotiations. Their questions are more practical: Will Netanyahu remain prime minister? Will his government be stable? Will it confront settler violence? And will Hungary face further European pressure because of its pro-Israeli positions?
These questions matter because relations between Israel and Europe have been in deep crisis for the past three years. In 2025, an EU review identified indications that Israel may have violated the human rights clause of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, the framework governing relations between the two sides. Following that review, the European Commission, the EU’s executive arm, proposed measures against Israel in the fields of research and trade. Although no final decisions have yet been taken on these proposals, the very fact that they are under discussion shows how profoundly the atmosphere in EU-Israeli relations has changed.
Israel still has important friends in Europe, including Germany, Italy, Czechia, Slovenia, and Hungary. But friendship does not give Israel immunity from European measures. These countries will find it increasingly difficult to block measures directed against Israel indefinitely. A shift in the positions of even a few European governments could affect trade, research, and forms of cooperation built over decades.
The next Israeli government will have an opportunity to influence the direction of this relationship. Curbing settler violence, refraining from annexation, and presenting a credible political horizon could help lay the groundwork for rebuilding trust. Continuing the policies that contributed to the crisis could deepen it further.
Europe, too, has responsibilities. It must distinguish between the Israeli government and Israeli citizens. Political disagreements do not justify sweeping measures that harm Israeli students, researchers, artists, and entrepreneurs.
Israeli voters have chosen their representatives to the Knesset. Europeans must now decide how to work with them. But one thing is worth remembering: Israeli voters can choose their government. They cannot also choose how an entire continent will respond.
