How Albania Can Become the Israel of the Balkans
Israel’s emergence as a military and technological powerhouse offers an important model for Albania’s future. Despite its small population, limited natural resources, and persistent security threats, Israel has built a formidable defense industry, a highly innovative economy, and an indispensable strategic partnership with the United States. American diplomatic support, intelligence cooperation, and military assistance, including a $38 billion security agreement covering 2019–2028, have helped sustain Israel’s regional position.
Albania has the potential to follow a similar path in the Balkans. Although it cannot match Israel’s military and technological capabilities today, its strategic location, close relationship with Washington, and historical friendship with the Jewish people provide a foundation for strengthening its national security and economic development. Closer cooperation with Israel could help Albania become a more influential regional power while establishing a durable partnership between the two countries.
During the Holocaust, Albanians sheltered Jewish families under the tradition of besa, making Albania one of the few European countries whose Jewish population increased during the war. This friendship has acquired renewed significance through visits by Israeli President Isaac Herzog in September 2024, Tourism Minister Haim Katz in April 2024, and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar in October 2026, whose visit produced a comprehensive cooperation agreement.
Albania, in many respects, could become the ‘Israel of the Balkans’. Both countries have experienced persecution, territorial disputes, and hostility from neighboring nationalist movements while developing close strategic relationships with the United States. Their shared history provides a foundation for an alliance built on diplomatic cooperation, national security, and economic integration.
Firstly, Albania has become one of Israel’s most dependable diplomatic allies in Europe. Following the war in Gaza, several European governments recognized Palestinian statehood, while diplomatic pressure on Israel intensified. Just as Washington has supported Israel diplomatically, including through its UN Security Council veto, Albania could become a consistent voice within European institutions, particularly following eventual EU accession.
Albania’s protection of Jews during the Holocaust contrasts with antisemitic traditions found within elements of Greek and Serbian Orthodox religious nationalism. While these prejudices were not universal among Orthodox Christians, antisemitic preaching and nationalist religious movements contributed to hostility toward Jewish communities. Albania’s wartime conduct demonstrated that religious differences need not prevent solidarity.
The historical parallels extend to the establishment of both states. During the First Balkan War of 1912, Serbian, Montenegrin, and Greek armies occupied Albanian-populated territories as Ottoman authority collapsed. Serbia occupied Kosovo, Montenegro besieged Shkodër, and Greek forces advanced into southern Albania.
When Ismail Qemali declared independence on November 28, much of the territory claimed by the new state was occupied, while the borders subsequently established by the Great Powers left substantial Albanian populations outside Albania.
Israel confronted a comparable challenge in 1948, when neighboring Arab armies entered the war following its declaration of independence. Although the circumstances differed, both countries faced military opposition from neighboring powers during their emergence as independent states. For Albanians, the historical policies of Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece resemble aspects of the opposition Israel encountered from Arab governments, a comparison concerning states and nationalist movements rather than entire populations.
National unification offers another potential dimension to this relationship. Albania and Kosovo remain separate states despite their shared national identity, while movements advocating a Greater Israel seek varying forms of Israeli sovereignty over disputed territories.
An Albania within the European Union could participate more influentially in debates concerning Israeli territorial claims, while Israel’s diplomatic connections in Washington could provide opportunities to discuss an Albania–Kosovo political union. Such cooperation would face different legal questions involving democratic consent, Palestinian self-determination, territorial sovereignty, and international agreements.
Israel’s solidarity with Kosovar Albanians provides an additional foundation. In 1999, Israel welcomed refugees fleeing Serbian ethnic cleansing and subsequently recognized Kosovo’s independence, while Palestinian leaders have historically opposed Kosovo’s independence. Albania and Kosovo therefore have reasons to deepen diplomatic coordination with Israel, particularly concerning international recognition, security, and opposition to antisemitism.
Secondly, Albania’s security interests justify closer military and intelligence cooperation with Israel. Iranian cyberattacksagainst Albania in 2022 exposed serious vulnerabilities, while Israeli cybersecurity assistance demonstrated the benefits of cooperation against shared threats. Both countries have interests in intelligence sharing, counterterrorism, and protection against hybrid warfare.
Albanian security concerns extend beyond Iran. During the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913, Serbian and Montenegrin forces committed widespread atrocities against Albanian civilians, including massacres, burned villages, forced expulsions, executions, and detention. These crimes bear disturbing similarities to anti-Jewish pogroms in Eastern Europe, where nationalist violence destroyed communities and displaced civilian populations.
In Chameria, northwestern Greece, forces associated with the Greek nationalist organization EDES massacred and expelled hundreds of thousands of Cham Albanians during 1944–1945.
The Kosovo War of 1998–1999 reinforced these concerns. Serbian and Yugoslav forces carried out ethnic cleansing involving massacres, deportations, and destroyed villages, displacing hundreds of thousands. American-led NATO intervention ended Serbian military operations in Kosovo, demonstrating Washington’s importance to Albanian security, just as American military and diplomatic support remains central to Israel.
Today, Serbia continues to reject Kosovo’s independence, while nationalist tensions remain a regional concern. Albania also has historical reasons to remain attentive to far-right Greek nationalism, although Greece is a NATO ally and extremist movements should not be confused with official government policy.
Israel’s defense cooperation with Greece and Serbia consequently raises questions. Its involvement in Greece’s approximately €3 billion ‘Achilles’ Shield’ air-defense program, alongside Israeli arms exports to Serbia and drone cooperation, demonstrates its growing military-industrial presence in the Balkans. These agreements serve Israeli interests, but strengthening Serbia’s military capabilities deserves scrutiny given Israel’s recognition of Kosovo and Belgrade’s continuing refusal to recognize its independence.
Albania should pursue closer defense cooperation with Israel in drones, surveillance, air defense, intelligence, electronic warfare, and cybersecurity. This could strengthen Albania’s military capabilities, support Kosovo’s security within existing arrangements, and diversify Albanian defense relationships beyond Turkey. Israeli cooperation would complement NATO’s commitments and KFOR’s responsibilities rather than replace them.
Lastly, economic cooperation could make an Albanian Israeli alliance more durable. The American Israeli relationship demonstrates how trade, investment, technology, and industrial cooperation reinforce diplomatic and security ties. Albania could pursue comparable institutional depth through Israeli investment and joint commercial projects.
Despite its small population, limited natural resources, and demanding security environment, Israel developed internationally competitive industries in cybersecurity, agricultural technology, healthcare, and defense manufacturing. Israeli expertise could help Albania modernize agriculture, irrigation, water management, renewable energy, healthcare, and digital infrastructure while encouraging innovation and employment.
Defense manufacturing presents another opportunity. NATO’s commitment to increase defense and security-related spending to 5 percent of GDP by 2035 provides Albania with a framework for military modernization. Joint production, technology transfers, maintenance facilities, and training partnerships could strengthen Albania’s domestic industry while expanding Israeli companies’ presence in a NATO member state.
Tourism also offers considerable potential. Albania’s coastline, cultural heritage, and growing international visibility have attracted increasing Israeli interest. During his October 2026 visit, Foreign Minister Sa’ar reported that annual Israeli tourist arrivals had risen from approximately 7,000 to 100,000. Expanded air connections, hospitality investment, and cultural exchanges could deepen economic ties.
Kosovo could benefit from Israeli investment in technology, education, infrastructure, and entrepreneurship. Greater economic coordination between Albania and Kosovo, together with connections to Albanian communities in North Macedonia, Montenegro, southern Serbia, Greece, and the diaspora, could provide Israeli businesses with wider commercial opportunities throughout southeastern Europe.
Critics could argue that Albania lacks America’s military and economic capabilities, while Israel already maintains important partnerships with Greece and other regional powers. Albania must also balance its NATO commitments, European integration ambitions, and relations with Turkey. It goes without saying that the United States is and will remainAlbania’s chief strategic and political ally.
Nevertheless, the American Israeli relationship demonstrates that durable alliances depend on diplomatic consistency, institutionalized security cooperation, and economic integration rather than shared history alone. Albania could offer Israel these qualities within southeastern Europe, while Israel could contribute to Albania’s military modernization, technological development, and economic growth.
Closer coordination between Albania and Kosovo, potentially including a peaceful political union achieved through democratic and lawful processes, could further strengthen their collective geopolitical position. A more integrated Albanian economic and diplomatic network could provide Israel with an important partner in a region where Turkish, Serbian, Greek, Russian, and European interests intersect.
Albania’s protection of Jews during the Holocaust, Israel’s solidarity with Kosovar Albanians in 1999, and the historical parallels of 1912 and 1948 provide a foundation for closer relations. Albania cannot offer Israel America’s military power or financial resources, but it could offer the diplomatic reliability, strategic cooperation, and institutional commitment that have sustained the American Israeli partnership. In doing so, Albania could strengthen its position as the Israel of the Balkans while becoming one of Israel’s most dependable allies in Europe.
