How the Strong U.S.-Israel Relationship Helped End the War

As the Gaza war draws to a close and the hostages are finally free, after a terrible two years of death and destruction brought on by Hamas, there is much to celebrate and reason to be thankful for the U.S.-Israel relationship during this war, especially in this last year. 

In particular, two events stand out: the taking down of the Iranian nuclear facility and the agreement to end the war. 

What is particularly fascinating about these two developments is that while neither would have happened without the critical role of both parties, the more significant role of each does not necessarily reflect the way the political leaders portrayed it. 

As we celebrate the recent agreement, it was notable that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gave a speech following President Donald Trump’s announcement of an agreement, explaining how none of this could have happened without Israel’s significant degradation of Hamas’s military capabilities and elimination of its leadership. Widely interpreted as a political speech setting the stage for the next Israeli election, it was an effort to accrue credit for himself and his government for finally freeing the hostages and bringing the war to a close after two years during which he was the target of widespread criticism in Israel for not doing enough.  

Indeed, he should share the credit with President Trump for this achievement. But it must be understood that the president played a unique role that could not have been played by any other individual or political leader.  

This was so because there were aspects of President Trump’s plan that went counter to themes that Israel’s governing coalition saw as dealbreakers. These included not completely destroying Hamas, the freeing of murderers of Israelis, a role for the Palestinian Authority, and no detailed plan on how to disarm Hamas.  

Unlike other occasions during the last two years, Netanyahu could not be driven into opposing this plan by his coalition because of the unique position Trump occupied vis-à-vis Israel at this particular time. Not only was the relationship with the United States broadly still the primary one for Israel, but at this time after two years of war and with the international community showing its distance from Israel by voting to declare unilaterally a Palestinian state, Netanyahu realized his dependence on Trump had reached an unprecedented level that brooked no falling away. In sum, Israel had no room to reject Trump at this time.  

This is not to say that there were not very positive things for Israel in this agreement, most obviously the freeing of hostages. However, issues that led Israel to consider rejecting deals in the past now just could no longer prompt serious consideration of rejection.   

In sum, it was Trump and Trump alone who could surmount obstacles that formerly operated.  

On the other hand, the bombing of the Iranian nuclear facilities is seen as a unique American action that has transformed the region in profound ways. Again, there is no reason to downplay the U.S. role in this matter. The weapons the U.S. used to take out the nuclear facility were the most advanced bunker busters the U.S. uniquely possesses.  

However, what does not gain sufficient attention is the vital role the Israeli Air Force played in setting the stage and indeed making it possible for the American action even to take place.  

This is not a theoretical assessment but rather a recognition of Trump’s risk aversion as a central element in his military decision making. It is hard to imagine that he would have jeopardized American pilots and aircraft and exposed them to Iranian air defenses had Israel not succeeded in dramatically degrading Iran’s air defenses.  Israel’s actions made it apparent to the world and the Trump Administration that American pilots would be in no jeopardy after all.  

What Israel accomplished in its twelve-day war against Iran was astonishing and dramatically changed the strategic equation in the region. Iran, which was previously seen as the head of the snake in Hamas’s unprecedented massacre in Israel, was now seen as largely toothless, its air defenses exposed to Israeli air might and Hezbollah dramatically weakened by Israeli military brilliance. In sum, because of Israel’s military accomplishments, America could enter Iranian airspace to conduct its military operation against the nuclear facilities with far less concern and vulnerability.  

These two monumental events during this two-year war could not have happened without the remarkable cooperation of these two powers and friends. The Middle East is a better place because of it, and indeed the entire world needs to recognize how much better off it is when two democracies work together to thwart a terrorist, extremist organization and its primary sponsor.