Leo Avidon

Leaving Hamas in power is not Israel’s problem

Israelis protest in favor of a hostage/ceasefire deal (Omer Toledano / Wikimedia Commons)
Israelis protest in favor of a hostage/ceasefire deal (Omer Toledano / Wikimedia Commons)

The Israeli government, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has continued to object to a deal that would permanently end the war in Gaza, in exchange for the release of all hostages, stating that such a deal would allow Hamas to remain in power in the Gaza Strip. They are correct. However, with the continued war seeming increasingly pointless and planless, with 50 hostages, at least 20 of whom are still alive, continuing to languish in horrific conditions in the tunnels of Gaza, IDF casualties continuing to grow (444 soldiers, according to the IDF have been killed since the beginning of the ground offensive in Gaza on October 27, 2023), Israel’s relations with many of its allies strained, and negotiations over possible expansions of the Abraham Accords stalled, a difficult question must be asked.

Should Israel leave Hamas in power in Gaza?

Doing so, as part of an agreement with the terror group, would allow the release of the hostages, the end of costly combat operations in Gaza, the potential to rebuild Israel’s diplomatic ties in the West and the Arab world, and the presumable end of frequent and disruptive Houthi missile fire. It would allow Israel to leverage its unprecedented regional power and prestige following the stunning operation against Iran, in order to expand the circle of peace and cooperation envisioned by the Abraham Accords. 

It would also give Hamas the potential ability to rebuild at least some of its capabilities. Is this a price that should be paid?

Presumably, an agreement to end the war would forbid Israel from attacking Hamas and forbid Hamas from attacking Israel. If this agreement were to hold, then Israel could reasonably claim victory in the war. It would have freed the hostages, and removed a great deal of the threat posed by Hamas, who would be deterred. Israel could monitor Hamas with its incredible intelligence capabilities, and if warning signs of a large-scale attack were detected, a preliminary strike could be launched. If Hamas were to break the ceasefire, even by firing one rocket, Israel could return to war with the terror group. Without the leverage of the hostages, there would be a greater chance that the noble goal of fully removing Hamas from power could be achieved by these renewed operations.

Hamas’ continued governance in Gaza should be of far greater concern to Gazans than Israel. Hamas is not the same force it was on October 7th. Its military capabilities have been largely obliterated, and its governance structure has been weakened. At this point, it has no real capability to threaten Israel in a strategic sense. The border could be reinforced with advanced technology, strengthened walls, and more soldiers. Border communities could be garrisoned with large numbers of soldiers and reinforced to prevent infiltrations.

In the end, only two groups would be significantly negatively impacted by Hamas’ continued rule over Gaza, Gazans, and extremist right-wing Israelis. Gazans would unfortunately continue to live under the repressive rule of Hamas. However, following decades of conflict, and the support for terrorism demonstrated by many Gaza residents, we do not owe Gazans freedom from Hamas. The only people who are owed freedom are the hostages. If Gazans want to rebel against Hamas, whose governance has been weakened by Israel’s actions, in a manner similar to the overthrow of the Assad regime in Syria, they can. In the end, who governs Gaza should not be of great importance to Israel, as long as we can continue to ensure that they lack the capability to pose a serious threat. 

Israeli far-right extremists, such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, are well aware of this. However, for them, this war should end with the occupation of Gaza by Israel, and with the reconstruction of Jewish settlements that were withdrawn from in 2005. This goal is unreasonable and untenable. Its execution would never be allowed by the international community, and it would give credence to claims by Israel’s enemies that this war is one of conquest and ethnic cleansing, not a just war of defense, as it is. 

An end to the war in Gaza that leaves Hamas in power would prevent the establishment of settlements, which is why Ben Gvir, Smotrich, and their Knesset parties, Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) and Religious Zionism are threatening to collapse the government should a deal to end the war be agreed upon. 

A recent poll suggests that 74% percent of Israelis, including 60% of coalition voters, support a deal that would end the war and free the hostages. Prime Minister Netanyahu must act with courage, placing the country’s interests and its obligation to free the hostages and cherish the lives and wellbeing of its soldiers before petty political concerns. Even if Netanyahu’s current governing coalition collapses, it seems that opposition parties such as Blue and White, led by Benny Gantz, and Yesh Atid, led by Yair Lapid, may give him a political safety net to carry out an agreement. Even if a governmental collapse would lead to early elections, there is a definite chance that Netanyahu could win them. He could run on defeating Hamas and Hezbollah, smashing Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs, freeing the hostages, securing unprecedented cooperation with the United States under President Trump, and potentially expanding the circle of peace in the Middle East.

Even if his long time as Prime Minister were to come to an end, he could secure his legacy as “Defender of Israel,” and be remembered as a highly significant and successful Prime Minister, not one whose final years in office were characterized by corruption scandals, criminal charges, and a massive security failure. 

Netanyahu must reject the unreasonable positions of his far-right coalition partners, and act with strength and courage in order to end the suffering of the remaining hostages and their families, prevent the loss of more soldiers in an increasingly pointless campaign, allow reservists and their families, as well as the country as a whole, to return to a semblance of normality, and begin to rebuild Israel’s position on the world stage. He must take the bold and courageous step of ending this war, even if Hamas is left in power in Gaza. 

About the Author
Leo Avidon is a young American Jew and an aspiring analyst of global politics and international relations. He lives in Fair Lawn, New Jersey, just outside New York City. He has always cared deeply about Israel, but October 7th marked a turning point for him, like many. He is deeply interested in Israel's politics and regional and international affairs. Politically speaking, he considers himself to be a centrist.
Related Topics
Related Posts
Sign in or Register
Please use the following structure: example@domain.com
Or Continue with
By registering you agree to the terms and conditions
Register to continue
Or Continue with
Log in to continue
Sign in or Register
Or Continue with
check your email
Check your email
We sent an email to you at .
It has a link that will sign you in.