Operation Rising Lion: Israel’s Triumph and the Road to Middle East Renewal
In recent weeks, Israel has executed one of the most decisive and daring military victories in its modern history: Operation Rising Lion. Launched on June 13, 2025, this campaign achieved what many had considered impossible: establishing full Israeli air superiority over Iran and setting back the Islamic Republic’s nuclear ambitions by years. In coordination with the United States, Israel delivered a series of crippling blows to Iranian nuclear infrastructure, missile capabilities, and regime command centres. Yet this moment of triumph was prematurely halted by a U.S.-declared ceasefire – an act that may ultimately compromise regional stability.
A Stunning Military Success
The IDF’s accomplishments cannot be overstated. Israel struck and heavily damaged key nuclear facilities at Natanz, Isfahan, Arak, and, with U.S. assistance, Fordo – a deep-underground site previously thought untouchable. Commanding the skies over Tehran, Israeli forces also eliminated top IRGC officials, nuclear scientists, and even struck symbolic regime sites like Evin Prison and the IRGC headquarters in the capital.
Israeli deterrence – previously questioned after October 7 – has been re-established with overwhelming clarity. Mossad’s long-prepared covert operations played a pivotal role, using precision drone strikes and surgical raids that stunned the regime. The U.S. joined decisively: defending Israel from Iranian missiles and drones, refuelling Israeli jets, deploying B-2 bombers with MOPs and launching attacks on Fordo and Natanz, and launching Tomahawk missiles on key Iranian targets, such as Isfahan – a critical uranium conversion facility tied directly to weaponisation.
As a result, Israeli and American sources, along with the IAEA and even the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Foreign Minister, confirm that the nuclear program has suffered extensive damage. While not completely destroyed or irreparable, Israeli intelligence estimates that Iran, previously on the cusp of assembling 9–10 warheads, is now years away from reattaining such capabilities.
Israel also destroyed 50% or more of an additional existential threat – Iranian ballistic missiles, per the IDF.
Operation Rising Lion was a necessary response to October 7 — not only striking the tentacles of the octopus but finally confronting the head: the regime that funded, armed, and directed them all.
A Regime Exposed, But Not Yet Toppled
Perhaps most importantly, the operation shattered the illusion of Iranian invincibility, or being hidden from Israeli attack, despite being the driving force behind its proxies’ unrelenting attacks on Israel. Khamenei’s regime stands exposed – isolated internationally, humiliated regionally, and deeply unpopular at home. Russia and China offered only rhetorical support. Hezbollah, Iran’s most prized proxy, refused to join the fight — a testament to its weakened position after its war on Israel. Despite a ceasefire, Israel continues near-daily operations in the north, to counter Hezbollah violations, as it must.
Yet, for all this success, the ceasefire was a tragic strategic blunder. At its weakest point in history, the Iranian regime was vulnerable militarily and politically. Over 80% of Iranians reportedly want regime change, according to GAMAAN. Khamenei was allegedly within Israel’s reach, but the United States allegedly vetoed his assassination, per comments made by President Trump on Truth Social. Israel should have pressed on, targeting the remaining regime leadership, encouraging domestic revolt, and bringing this theocratic dictatorship to its long-overdue end.
The decision to halt, likely (but not definitely) due to American pressure, perhaps after Qatari pressure on the Americans, forfeited a generational opportunity. It is a matter of when, not if, the regime will attempt to rebuild its nuclear capabilities. It is also true that there are some fears. Iran has allegedly hidden 400kg of highly enriched uranium. However, Israel believes it has intelligence on its location, is monitoring it, and as of now, it cannot be used to make a nuclear warhead.
What Now?
If the ceasefire holds – and that’s a big “if” – Israel must retain complete operational freedom to enforce its terms. As in Lebanon, the IDF will need to continue striking any Iranian attempts to rebuild its nuclear or missile programs or rearm its proxies. The U.S., under President Trump, must reaffirm its commitment to follow through militarily if Iran resumes enrichment or weapons testing. No more “red lines” that disappear. Thankfully, President Trump has indeed signalled that should the Iranian regime re-start enrichment or a nuclear program, it could again face the might of the US Armed Forces. At the same time, Defence Minister Katz has already made clear that not only violations of the ceasefire will be met with a response, but also that Operation Rising Lion was only the “promo” and that Israel has many other plans up its sleeves.
Israel should closely monitor the location of moved uranium and the regime’s current potential to renew nuclear enrichment, and there is a strong possibility that other ‘undeclared’ and unofficial nuclear sites will need to be taken care of, especially the ‘Pickaxe Nuclear Site’, located next to Natanz but buried in a mountain even deeper than the Fordo site – as there is concern that there could be centrifuges there and the possibility to resume enrichment. While there is debate over the extent of the Israeli and American damage to the nuclear program, there is no doubt that this is the beginning, and sooner or later, Israel will need to continue to creatively dismantle any advancements in nuclear capabilities, or to enforce the regime’s iron-fisted grip over the Iranian people.
Attacks on Israel by Iranian proxies like the Houthis should now also be treated as attacks from the Iranian regime itself. The fiction of separation must end.
There must be no return to Obama-style diplomacy. No deals, no appeasement. Instead, the West should provide moral and material support to the Iranian people and opposition forces. Israel, for its part, needs to double down on supporting regime change efforts – from intelligence to public outreach and cover support, like the Mossad’s new Farsi-language outreach campaign on X.
There should not be any deals or negotiations between the regime and the US or other Western countries, as this legitimises and emboldens the regime. Israel should do whatever it can to strengthen the Iranian people to overthrow the regime, while it is weak, and to encourage regime change, and the West should increase sanctions on the regime. Unfortunately, while Israel (and the US) look away, the regime is now conducting mass-arrests throughout the country of suspected ‘dissidents’, including hundreds of the Jewish population which numbers just thousands.
Rebuilding Gaza: Strategic Vision and Red Lines
Against the backdrop of this operation’s success, a groundbreaking Israel Hayom report outlines a vision to be jointly pursued by President Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu – a strategic realignment in the Middle East. If accurate, this plan could mark the next phase of post-war reconstruction and regional stability.
According to the article, the Trump-Netanyahu conversation following the joint strikes was “euphoric.” Their plan? A comprehensive resolution to the Gaza conflict within two weeks – including the return of all hostages, the dismantling of Hamas’ political rule, and the formation of a new governing body composed of Arab states like Egypt, the UAE, and two undisclosed partners, as well as a rapid expansion of the Abraham Accords. Perhaps it also includes an element of US support for ending Netanyahu’s baseless trial, as has been alluded to by the President on Truth Social – with some suggestions that Trump could impose sanctions on the Israeli judges involved in this scandal.
This would be a major development – but also raises serious concerns.
No Role for Hamas – Not One Inch
Let’s be clear: Hamas must be eradicated – not merely removed from governance. Any postwar plan that allows thousands of armed Hamas operatives to remain in Gaza, or even influence its reconstruction, is a betrayal of October 7’s victims and a signal that “massacring Jews works.” Hamas sees every ceasefire as a “hudna” – a pause before the next slaughter. They must have no future – militarily, politically, or symbolically. The Gaza Strip needs to be entirely demilitarised. In fact, without a decisive victory and defeat of Hamas, this presents an image of ‘Israeli weakness’ and could discourage regional countries from allying with Israel in the future.
What about the poor 50 remaining hostages – will they be released all together or will they be released in these degrading staged releases like before?
Israel cannot and must not allow a Lebanon-style scenario (until Operation Northern Arrows), where a weakened terror entity remains the de facto ruler. Will the Egyptians and the Emiratis really neutralise Hamas terrorist threats that threaten Israel? Unlikely.
Any future Gaza framework must include Israeli freedom of military action, including airstrikes and special ops raids as necessary to prevent resurgence of Hamas.
No role in Gaza for Qatar
The report’s ambiguity over which Arab states will join the governing coalition is troubling. Qatar, if involved, must be publicly rejected by Israel. Doha has been Hamas’ patron – politically, financially, and ideologically. It housed their leaders, blocked Israeli attempts to assassinate them, funded propaganda through Al Jazeera, and funded their genocidal ambitions. But they also have close ties to the United States. It is true the Qatari government hides it and shows a face of diplomacy, but they helped make the genocidal October 7 massacre possible.
Voluntary Emigration
The proposal reportedly includes voluntary Gazan emigration. The ideal destination? Qatar. As Dr. Mordechai Kedar argues, Qatar has wealth, space, and ideological alignment with the Muslim Brotherhood. It already houses millions of expats. It’s far from Israel’s borders and well-equipped to resettle those who wish to leave. If Arab states won’t accept these refugees, it only proves their “solidarity” is a façade.
Any supporters of Hamas should also not have the right to stay in Gaza.
Strengths and Strategic Opportunities in the Trump-Netanyahu Vision for Gaza and the Region
The emerging plan also offers significant strengths for Israel’s long-term security and regional influence. A historic expansion of the Abraham Accords, potentially including peace agreements with Syria and Saudi Arabia, would redefine Middle Eastern geopolitics. A potential UAE-led governing responsibility for the Palestinian Arabs could offer a historic opportunity to de-radicalise and remove the deeply ingrained Hamas ideology from them, taught to them from a young age (especially by UNRWA).
Saudi Arabia’s formal peace with Israel would be revolutionary – a signal for other Muslim and Arab nations to follow, and a crippling blow to the Iran-led axis, as well as Israel’s Sunni opponents – notably Qatar and Turkey. Hopefully, Israel would also be able to make peace with Indonesia, the largest Islamic country, as well as Tunisia, Libya, Oman, and maybe even Lebanon.
Peace and normalisation with Syria and Lebanon, previously unimaginable, seen as long-term ‘enemies of Israel’, is now possible given Israel’s decisive victories against Hezbollah and the Iranian regime’s proxies. But Israel must set clear red lines: no withdrawal from the Golan Heights or the Mount Hermon; the at least partial demilitarisation of Southern Syria; a commitment by Damascus to confront not only Iranian-backed militias, but also ISIS, and Al Qaeda; and an ironclad stance that any Hezbollah aggression from Lebanon will trigger overwhelming Israeli retaliation. The Syrian government also should express a clear commitment to protecting minorities in the country, in particular the Druze, and also the Kurds and Christians, and of course the very few Jews who remain there. However, pragmatism of peace with this government must also continue, and while Damascus may demand an end to all Israeli military action in Syria, Israel must be clear that its security will not be compromised and if necessary, then the IDF will act. In order to reduce this, the Syrians should continue to act on their commitments to expel Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad officials. While it may want peace with Israel now, it cannot be ignored or pretended otherwise that members of the government, and Syria’s ruler Ahmed Al-Shaara, hold roots in many terrorist groups and is extremely close to another one of Israel’s adversaries: Turkey. Syria has an interest in peace with Israel in order to benefit its own economy, improve its cooperation with the United States, and perhaps for Israeli security support against threats to Al Sharaa’s regime, particularly from the Iranian regime and Hezbollah. With Lebanon, it must be made clear that any Hezbollah attacks on Israel will continue to receive an unprecedented Israeli response, as will any violation of the understandings reached, and that Israel will not withdraw from any part of its border with Lebanon.
The Disengagement from Gaza Must Be Revoked
The 2005 Disengagement from Gaza remains a pivotal moment in Israeli history – and one that demands re-evaluation. The removal of Israeli civilians and security forces was intended to reduce friction and create space for diplomacy. Instead, it created a vacuum quickly filled by Hamas, which has since launched thousands of rockets at Israeli communities and committed unspeakable acts of terror, most notably the October 7 massacre.
Israel must formally and irrevocably revoke this policy. Restoring a Jewish presence in Gaza is not only a matter of historical justice for the expelled communities; it is a strategic imperative. Hamas thrives on Israel’s withdrawal – it interprets concessions as weakness and territory as trophies. Rebuilding Jewish communities in Gaza would shatter that narrative, serve as a powerful symbol of Israeli victory after suffering such a brutal attack, and restore vital intelligence and security capabilities on the ground. Removing the IDF from the Philadelphi Axis or from the security zone is also dangerous.
Legally and historically, Gaza (and Judea and Samaria) are part of the Jewish homeland – recognized by the British Mandate, the accepted concept of Uti possidetis juris, the San Remo Accords and the League of Nations, and affirmed in Jewish history and our holy texts. The so-called Green Line was a ceasefire line, not an international border. The voluntary re-settlement by Jews does not violate international law. Gaza is a part of the land that the Jewish people are indigenous to.
Jews have lived in Gaza intermittently for millennia – from biblical times of Joshua and Samson through the Middle Ages, when Jewish communities thrived, including scholars and synagogues. Even into the modern era, Jews remained in Gaza until they were violently expelled during Arab riots in the early 20th century.
After the Six-Day War, when Israel took control from Egypt, Jewish communities like Netzarim and Kfar Darom flourished, contributing both economically and strategically.
Despite the legitimate concerns surrounding any potential Jewish return to Gaza, Gaza should no longer be neglected. A return, at least to the areas inhabited by Jews before 2005, should be seriously considered – not as revenge, but as a statement: Israeli withdrawal will not be rewarded with terror. Expanding the Abraham Accords is of course important, but if the choice is between a part of the Land of Israel and maintaining back-channel relations, or continuing the policy of abandoning Gaza and maintaining an existential threat to appease the governments who wish to make peace with us, the latter should not be the primary objective of an Israeli government.
It would feel deeply wrong in the eyes of many Israelis, to have lost hundreds of our heroic soldiers, to replace the Hamas government of Gaza with another Arab government inside the Land of Israel.
No Palestinian State
Most dangerously, the plan hints at eventual Israeli support for a Palestinian Arab state – what would likely be an existential threat that Israel cannot afford. The tragic lessons of Gaza prove that withdrawing lands to terror groups invites catastrophe; after October 7, most Israelis understand this viscerally – and many polls show increasing lack of support.
Judea and Samaria – vast, strategically critical lands overlooking Tel Aviv, Ben Gurion Airport and much of Israel’s coastline – must never be surrendered as it would leave Israel defenceless and extremely vulnerable. Any endorsement, even if only lip service, to a Palestinian state sends a deadly message: terror pays. The proposal mentions it is “contingent on reforms by the PA” but the PA needs much more than “reform” – it is a corrupt entity which funds terrorists and murderers and indoctrinates Arabs from a young age to harm Jews and Israelis. Some people in Israel think that, especially in the long-term or if an actual state was ever created, that it could be more dangerous than Hamas. Even Mosab Hassan Yousef argues this, who was raised by one of the co-founders of Hamas. After all, its ideology is practically the same – especially when you see what they say, broadcast and teach their own people in Arabic.
When the State of Israel doubts the importance of Judea and Samaria to our people, ignores our faith, our ancestry, and our history, no one should be surprised when our enemies also preach the idea that Jews are foreign “occupiers”.
Judea and Samaria is indigenous Jewish land, of significant historic and religious importance to the Jewish people, where Hebron, Shiloh and Beit El stand.
Not everyone who wants a state does get one. But regardless, Jordan, built on 78% of the British Mandate, after being taken from the territory proposed to the Jews by the British at the time and given to the Hashemites, serves the purpose of a ‘Palestinian state’. Most of its population are what is now called ‘Palestinian’, and it is within the boundaries of the British Mandate of Palestine.
Rather than pursue a dangerous and irreversible two-state solution, Israel should explore alternative governance models: autonomous Arab emirates under Israeli sovereignty, Jordanian involvement, or tribal self-rule models, as seen in the Gulf. These ideas, while unconventional, may secure individual rights without threatening Israel’s survival. It is no doubt complex and needs to be thoroughly worked out, but it also does not need to perfectly fit the binary Western visions of a purely two-state solution or the typical one-state solution.
Sovereignty in Judea and Samaria
The alleged Trump vision also calls for limited US recognition of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria – but that is also a question. Where exactly would be recognised? Even if the future goal is Israeli sovereignty in all of Judea and Samaria, for now Israel should ask for recognition over all Jewish communities, as well as the Jordan Valley which is needed for security, and key Jewish holy sites.
Conclusion
Operation Rising Lion was a stunning victory, and the Middle East is changing. The Islamic Republic is bleeding; the Arab world is gradually re-considering peace with Israel. But Israel must not squander this moment. The regime in Tehran has been exposed. Hamas has been weakened. The path forward demands clarity: no appeasement, no compromise with terror, and no return to failed policies. Israel must seize this opportunity to reshape the region for a safer, freer, and stronger future. The lesson of Jewish history is clear: unfinished victories become future threats. Now is the time to finish what was started.
