P5 Amcha Yisrael – the policies

I had to write something on the policies, but to tell you the truth, I take all policy statements, from whichever party makes them, with a pinch of salt. Sadly, under Israel’s proportional representation system, until the votes are counted, the seats allocated and the complex coalition dealing done, you really have no idea which areas your party will actually have any say over. And that’s without getting into the Norwegian Law, which means that even some of the people you see on the campaign trail end up giving up their seat to someone else in the final Knesset. From what I gather, Amcha Yisrael is seeking the Defense Ministry. The other thing to account for is that once a party enters government and gets to grips with political reality, many of the ideas it had will either prove impossible or need serious adaptation. All of this raises for me the whole question of democracy and how much your vote really counts.

Amcha Yisrael has a number of foundational ideas on its website, which you are welcome to read [here]. I am going to focus on the ones we heard on the night. (I apologise in advance: these are my recollections alone, and any errors are my own.)

Emigration from Gaza

The party spoke with a huge amount of passion on this, and is convinced that with the right determination and arrangements, the number of Gazans voluntarily emigrating from the Gaza Strip can be radically increased. This would (a) enable Gazans to get on with building a free life, free of Hamas, and (b) give Israel the option of targeting Hamas terrorists more effectively, without the risk of civilians being used as human shields. “Full submission” and “victory” are words you will hear Ofer use, often in criticising the current government for leaving Hamas in power. For Ofer, Hamas remains unfinished business.

Since the ceasefire a year ago, 10,500 people have left; in the year before that, 8,000 left. These are relatively small numbers. According to the current Defense Minister, Israel Katz, the problem is finding countries that will actually take them in. Although many want to leave, there is clearly no simple way for Gazans to emigrate right now, and at current rates they will still be queuing to leave 200 years from now. (Read [this article] for an in-depth look at the issue.)

Amcha Yisrael brings determination and passion to the question, but what is actually possible remains to be seen. I suspect that the Trump administration’s 20-point plan is the main obstacle to any Israeli initiative, and that Bibi’s agreement to it binds Israel’s position on Gaza.

National/military service for all

Ofer spoke convincingly about his own track record in setting up Haredi units. This demand, repeated across the political spectrum, makes a huge amount of sense. Whether Haredi or Arab, giving back to the country in some form is the basis of Israeli society’s sense of togetherness. Improving the benefits available to those who serve and sacrifice, and removing benefits from those who don’t, also makes a great deal of sense. There is no silver bullet here, and there was an admission that this would take time. I liked that. I also appreciated the respect Ofer has for the Haredi community. Too often, the opposition (and the current coalition) use the Haredim as a political football, out of hatred and disgust. From my perspective, no one responds well to being attacked all the time.

Internal security

Israelis are worried. Organised crime is rampant, and illegal weapons are flooding the market. Often reported simply in terms of murders in Arab communities, these issues are actually far broader and more serious than that. In July, the current government decided to fund an expansion of the Shin Bet’s role, in coordination with the police, to tackle them; I assume implementation will take more than a year. When Natalie Shem Tov, who lives in the North, spoke about this, you could sense the urgency. It remains to be seen what new ideas the party brings to the table beyond the Shin Bet’s work. As far as I know, the Shin Bet is only operating in specific towns rather than nationwide, so there is a lot more to be done.

In Conclusion
What I have come to realise is that Israel’s many problems have no short-term fixes, and some may take more than one term to solve. That is why I sincerely hope that whoever gets into power is given a good four-year run to get on with it. At least then we will be in a position to judge the outcomes and, if we are lucky, inch forward on this project of Eretz Yisrael: one that not only works for its citizens but can also be a light unto the nations. In my final post, I will talk about who should vote Amcha Yisrael and who shouldn’t.