Pedro Sánchez: Corruption as a Governing Method

Pedro Sánchez did not enter La Moncloa through reform or merit, but through the weaponization of morality. Anti-corruption was never a principle—it was a tool. In June 2018, he exploited the Gürtel ruling to depose Mariano Rajoy, presenting himself as ethical redemption incarnate. It was camouflage, not conviction. Predictably, it collapsed.

Seven years later, Sánchez no longer governs a democracy but manages a mafia-style corrupt ecosystem.

As a result, Spain is engulfed in investigations, indictments, pre-trial detentions, and alleged illegal cash flows orbiting the PSOE. Since 2020, corruption-related proceedings involving political actors have surged, while public trust has fallen below 35%. This is not a coincidence—it is institutional decay.

The rot is personal. In April 2024, a Madrid court opened a criminal investigation into Sánchez’s wife, Begoña Gómez, for alleged influence peddling and corruption; judges rejected the prosecution’s dismissal request, and the case remains open. Subsequently, the inquiry expanded to possible embezzlement of public staff for private use.

Simultaneously, in May 2026, Sánchez’s brother was also set to face trial for alleged influence peddling.

Paradoxically, Spain has never seen this level of familial judicial exposure surrounding a sitting prime minister.

Hence, the system itself is under scrutiny. Multiple other cases examine illegal party financing, kickbacks, and cash-for-contracts schemes tied to PSOE officials.

Nonetheless, Sánchez’s ritual defense—“I knew nothing”—has become institutional doctrine, even as Spain slips in ‘Transparency International’ rankings amid ballooning discretionary spending.

Notwithstanding, allegations that PSOE power structures benefited from opaque funding networks, including claims linked to Sánchez’s own leadership campaigns (financed with money from his father-in-law’s gay saunas) persist because they fit a pattern now under judicial examination.

But, that trend detonated with the “Koldo–Ábalos affair.” In December 2025, Spain’s Supreme Court moved toward trial against former Transport Minister José Luis Ábalos, his aide Koldo García, and associates for criminal organization, bribery, embezzlement, influence peddling, and illicit cash payments.

Simultaneously, in June 2025, the pre-trial detention of senior PSOE operator Santos Cerdán, with police seizing emails from party headquarters, left the entire Spanish political scene perplexed. Thus, this was not peripheral misconduct—it was the engine room.

But again, Sánchez “knew nothing” about all of this.

Meanwhile, ideologically, Sánchez pairs domestic decay with foreign-policy grievance politics. His hostility toward Israel and tolerance of anti-Israel agitation—including harassment of Israeli civic and sporting symbols—have normalized antisemitic framing under progressive cover.

With cruel irony, Sánchez came to power backed by ETA’s political heirs—an organization responsible for nearly 900 murders and over 1,600 terrorist attacks between 1959 and 2018, with hundreds of killings still unresolved—and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, whose democratic mythology is fraudulent.

In the 1930s, ERC cadres marched in green-shirted columns modeled on Mussolini’s Blackshirts; their 1934 coup attempt was insurrection, not democracy. In fact, when it failed, their leaders fled not to Moscow, but to fascist Italy and Western Europe.

Therefore, this stands as yet another example of Sánchez’s true allies—and why these political pacts were never mere arithmetic necessities. They were instinctive choices, and they explain his behavior.

Although this corrupt prime minister rose preaching virtue, he now governs by redefining corruption as coincidence, delegitimizing the press, and hollowing out institutions. His government, therefore, is not a social democracy but soft authoritarianism dressed in moral language.

Power built on denial and extremism never cleanses states—it rots them from within. Europe’s most influential antisemite, Pedro Sánchez, has to go.