The day after Gaza: Israel must not inherit the ruins

In the news and in different circles, one scenario keeps resurfacing: the idea that after Hamas is destroyed, Israel might find itself responsible for governing Gaza. For the good of the country, let’s hope that doesn’t happen.

Israel responded as any sovereign state would when confronted with such brutality. It launched this operation only after it was violently attacked, after organized and coordinated groups of Hamas terrorists, along with other terrorist organizations and civilians, broke through the border and entered kibbutzim, towns, and cities. They slaughtered thousands of our people and kidnapped hundreds more in the worst massacre of Jews in the history of the state of Israel, and the deadliest day for Jews since the Holocaust. In the aftermath of October 7, the mission was clear: to bring the hostages home, to destroy Hamas’s, its military and governing capabilities, and to ensure that October 7 never repeats itself. But clarity on the battlefield has not always translated into clarity in policy. And that vacuum is being filled with dangerous ideas.

Reoccupying Gaza is not a plan. It is a trap. It would entangle our soldiers in the daily management of a hostile, poor population of over 2 million people, most of whom don’t want us and Hamas isn’t an option. It would require rebuilding and administering civil services, handling humanitarian logistics, and becoming the de facto sovereign of a place we didn’t plan to govern. Every rocket, every protest, every medical shortage would be our responsibility. This is not security. It is a slow bleed.

And yet, we’re drifting in that direction, not because of necessity, but because of short-term political interests. The war has been prolonged by different factors, mainly by Hamas’s actions. Ceasefire talks are frozen. Every few weeks, a new military phase is announced. But the broader strategic picture remains untouched.

As long as the war continues, so does the political status quo. As long as there is no “day after” plan, no accountability for October 7, and no electoral consequences. We are being led without direction because direction would require decisions. These are decisions that might end the war, and with it, the government’s hold on power.

Adding to the risk is a growing chorus within the government calling not just for control, but for resettlement. As much as these are fringe voices in Israeli society, they are in the coalition and in decision-making positions.

I fear it is a reckless gamble, though I would rather be proven wrong. Any move toward reestablishing Israeli settlements in Gaza would isolate us diplomatically even more and turn what little sympathy we still have from the international community into open hostility. It would only increase the battles we already face outside of the battlefield: in courtrooms, in the media, and across diplomatic arenas.

There is a needed and legitimate debate about who should govern Gaza once Hamas is defeated. Whether it is through an international presence, a reformed Palestinian Authority, a regional coalition, or a technocratic administration. But instead of being brought to the forefront, that debate is being sidelined and avoided. And every day it’s delayed, we inch closer to the worst-case scenario: waking up to find ourselves responsible for Gaza by default.

Israel needs a post-war strategy that aligns with our short- and long-term interests, our values, and that will help us begin to heal and rebuild. Not just short-term calm, but a sustainable framework involving regional partners that can reduce friction and prevent future entanglements. Military success is not enough. The IDF is doing its job, on the battlefield and beyond. It is the political leadership that must find the strength to do theirs.

Don’t get me wrong, I’m not offering any plans for what should happen in Gaza. I’m just putting into words a fear: a fear of a long, drawn-out bleeding, of years of entanglement, of more daily headlines announcing the names of soldiers who fell in battle. A future that feels avoidable, if only we choose differently.

We owe that to the soldiers still risking their lives, to the families still waiting for their loved ones, and to ourselves. We are a nation that has already learned, too many times, what happens when we inherit what we never intended to own. We have a prosperous future. We are a strong nation. Let’s not steer a strong nation into unnecessary adventures.