Harold Behr

The ghost of Neville Chamberlain walks in Gaza

There is a comparison to be made between Neville Chamberlain’s well-intentioned but ultimately futile policy of appeasement towards Hitler and the naive assumption on the part of Western governments that Hamas can be coaxed into agreeing a truce, relinquishing its control over the people of Gaza, laying down its arms and releasing the hostages. In the general hubbub, loud voices repeatedly call on Israel to desist from the struggle, while a mute button operates when corresponding appeals are directed at Hamas.

Hamas seethes with hatred towards the Jews, a hatred conveniently focused on Israel. Despite its pretensions at diplomatic and political respectability, it remains a terrorist organisation operating with murderous intent, with no other agenda than the annihilation of the State of Israel.

It is absurd to envisage any meaningful form of negotiation between Hamas and Israel. In 1938, Chamberlain, a thorough English gentleman but an ignoramus in the psychology of fanaticism, was completely taken in by the lies and promises of the smiling Nazi dictator with his cordial handshake. There was no sign of a Czech representative at the discussions between Britain, France, Italy and Germany to determine the fate of Czechoslovakia. It is worth recalling that Chamberlain’s policy of appeasement eventually came crashing down and when Hitler was ready the world was dragged by its heels into a war for which it was ill-prepared.

Hamas continues to operate without regard for the safety and welfare of the Gazans on whose behalf it purports to act. On the contrary, it has consistently exposed the civilian population to Israeli fire by embedding munitions and military personnel in community institutions such as hospitals, ensuring a maximum number of casualties of the most vulnerable.

The message has failed to sink in that Hamas now exults in the negotiating status accorded it by its appeasers, a status which allows it to buy much needed time to recover and regroup. Meanwhile, the hostages are still languishing in indescribably horrific conditions, where they are effectively being murdered in slow motion by their criminal keepers.

In the immediate aftermath of October 7th, Hamas received a setback. It was hoping to be joined by Hezbollah and the Iranian regime to form a united front which would deliver the coup de grace to their arch-enemy. This did not happen and Israel, caught on the back foot, rallied. Hamas, disappointed, found itself facing the might of the IDF alone.

Now, far from acknowledging that it has been severely wounded by the Israeli onslaught, Hamas is gloating. Quite unexpectedly, it has found itself riding the crest of an international wave of sympathy for Gazan sufferers in the war, in which attributions of blame for the consequences of the war are being laid at Israel’s feet. The criminal culpability of Hamas is largely overlooked. It is winning the propaganda war hands down.

Just as Chamberlain was taken in in 1938, so have Western leaders been bamboozled into the belief that they are dealing with reasonable human beings capable of understanding the meaning of compromise and cooperation. Decent politicians are being swept along by waves of protesters, some of them well-intentioned and idealistic, others driven by fanaticism of a religious or political nature. Meanwhile, Hamas, sensing a propaganda victory, marches happily in the centre of this throng.

The befuddled leaders of Western democracies, who judge Hamas by their own code of ethical conduct, appear to be reaching the conclusion that if only they were to recognise a Palestinian state a magic wand would be waved which would result in Hamas laying down its arms, releasing the hostages and retiring from the scene. It would be an understatement to say that this is unrealistic.

Israel, like Czechoslovakia in 1938, is being excluded from deliberations over its fate while the democratically minded leaders of the West confer with the fanatics of the Middle East. As long as Hamas is viewed as anything other than an organisation with the destruction of Israel as its raison d’etre, the outlook for a peaceful resolution to the conflict is bleak.

About the Author
I was born in South Africa in 1940 and emigrated to the U.K. in 1970 after qualifying in medicine. I held a post as Consultant Psychiatrist in London until my retirement in 2013. I am the author of two books: one on group analytic psychotherapy, one on the psychology of the French Revolution. I have written many articles on group psychology published in peer-reviewed journals. From 1979 to 1985 I was editor of the journal ‘Group Analysis’; I have contributed short pieces to psychology newsletters over the years.
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