The Muslim Brotherhood Is Not a Charity. It Is a Bank.
Washington has stopped arguing about the Brotherhood’s ideology and started following its money. Europe should read the paperwork.
On 23 July 2026, the US Treasury sanctioned a man who lives in London.
His name is Mahmoud al-Abyari. He is Egyptian, and he is not a fringe figure. Treasury calls him a senior leader of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and the Secretary General of the Muslim Brotherhood’s General Secretariat — the administrative core of the international organisation. He has held senior positions in the movement for years.
According to Treasury, he raised money for Filistin Vakfi and Hayat Yolu, two institutions Washington had already sanctioned over their ties to Hamas, and worked with Brotherhood organizations to provide financial support to Hamas itself. He was designated under Executive Order 13224 — the United States’ central counterterrorism sanctions authority — for acting on behalf of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, a group Washington labelled a Specially Designated Global Terrorist in January.
Read that again. The secretary general of the Brotherhood’s General Secretariat. Based in Europe. Sanctioned for terrorism financing.
One name, four continents.
Al-Abyari was not designated alone. Treasury named three other individuals and three entities in the same action, and the map they form is the point.
Tujah Bulah Global, operating in Indonesia under the alias Seven Spikes Global, was created by Hamas to generate revenue for its military wing, Treasury says. Madad Palestine Charitable Society, based in Gaza, collected donations for civilians and knowingly diverted the money to Hamas’s military purposes.
Then there is El-Kahira for General Trading, based in Türkiye. Treasury says it moved hundreds of thousands of dollars for Hamas. It also says the same firm ran underground banking services — in cash and in cryptocurrency — for organized crime groups in Sweden. Its owner and two shareholders were sanctioned with it.
Sit with that last detail for a moment. A Turkish money exchange in a Hamas financing network, servicing gang money in Swedish cities. Nobody in Stockholm voted for that. Nobody in Malmö was consulted. It simply arrived, through the same grey channels that Swedish police have spent a decade failing to close.
This is what a transnational financial architecture looks like: a London office, an Indonesian shell, a Gazan charity, a Turkish exchange, and Scandinavian criminal cash flowing through the same pipes. It is not a coincidence of geography. It is a design.
The pattern is now impossible to miss.
The July action did not come out of nowhere.
In January 2026, Treasury designated the Egyptian and Jordanian branches of the Muslim Brotherhood as Specially Designated Global Terrorists for materially supporting Hamas. The State Department designated the Lebanese Muslim Brotherhood — al-Jamaa al-Islamiyah — as both a Foreign Terrorist Organization and a Specially Designated Global Terrorist. More designations followed in March. In May, another action reached into networks running through Spain, Belgium, Jordan, Egypt and Gaza.
The January allegations are worth quoting plainly, because they are US government findings and not opinion columns. The Egyptian Brotherhood coordinated with Hamas on possible terrorist activity. Brotherhood members helped individuals travel into Gaza to fight for Hamas. A Brotherhood member raised and transferred funds to Hamas militants. Brotherhood-linked elements in Jordan took part in fundraising, recruitment, and the manufacture of rockets, explosives and drones.
Rockets. Explosives. Drones. From the movement that presents itself in European capitals as a network of mosques, student associations and humanitarian foundations.
And Washington said out loud that January was the beginning of a sustained campaign, not the end of one. Six months later, the campaign has reached the Brotherhood’s General Secretariat. The direction of travel is not ambiguous.
The oldest defense has run out
For thirty years the Brotherhood has won every argument in Europe with a single move: change the subject. Ask about Hamas, and you are told about food parcels. Ask about incitement, and you are told about interfaith dialogue. Ask about the organization, and you are told about the faith — as if the Muslim Brotherhood and Islam were the same thing, and as if criticizing a political organization were an attack on millions of believers who never joined it.
It was always a trick, and it worked because it was expensive to disprove. You cannot litigate a sermon. But you can audit a bank transfer.
That is exactly what has changed. The case against the Brotherhood is no longer being made through ideology, quotations from Sayyid Qutb, or contested readings of a 1928 charter. It is being made through wire transfers, shareholder registries, sham charities and crypto ledgers. Financial evidence is the one language a movement built on plausible deniability cannot talk its way out of.
And it removes the last excuse of European governments, who have hidden for years behind the claim that the Brotherhood is too diffuse, too decentralized, too *ideological* to designate. Treasury has just designated the secretary general of its General Secretariat. An organization with a secretariat, a leadership hierarchy and a fundraising apparatus is an organization. You can name it. You can sanction it.
What has not happened yet?
Here is where honesty matters more than momentum.
The United States has not designated the global Muslim Brotherhood as a single terrorist organization. It has designated branches, senior officials, front charities, companies and financiers. That is a campaign against a network, not yet a verdict on the whole.
But the legal groundwork is being laid one file at a time, and the practical consequences are already real. An OFAC designation blocks property and interests under US jurisdiction. It captures any entity owned 50 percent or more by a designated party. It bars US persons from dealing with those named. It exposes foreign banks that process significant transactions for them to secondary sanctions. Every European institution still moving money for Brotherhood-linked structures is now taking a risk it cannot price.
Europe’s choice is therefore not whether the Brotherhood will be treated as a terrorist financing network. That decision has been made in Washington, and it is being enforced. The only question is whether European states act on their own evidence, on their own territory, in their own time — or wait to be told which of their charities, mosque federations and foundations are already on somebody else’s list.
Sweden should be paying particular attention. Its criminal networks are named in the paperwork.
The Brotherhood spent a century learning that the movement survives as long as the ideology and the accounting stay in separate rooms. Washington has finally opened the door between them.
Europe should walk through it.

