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Shay Szabo
Israeli-Jew Peace Activist

The Politics of the Palestinian Refugee Status

The Palestinian “right of return” is a concept that has been a major sticking point in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It’s time we look at it from an honest perspective—especially considering the Jewish refugees who fled Arab lands at the same time and aren’t talking about a “right of return.”

Let’s begin with the Forgotten Stories of Jewish Refugees: 

The story of Jews being persecuted in Arab lands is an overlooked part of Middle Eastern history. Jewish communities flourished in countries like Iraq, Egypt, Morocco, and Libya. In many cases, Jewish presence in these lands predates the arrival of Arab populations. For instance, Jews have lived in Iraq since the Babylonian exile in the 6th century BCE, long before the Arab conquests of the 7th century CE. 

From the late 1940s through the 1970s, roughly 900,000 Jews were forced to flee from Arab land due to widespread persecution and state-sanctioned discrimination. Jews left behind their homes, businesses, and centuries of history. Jews didn’t receive any compensation or international support for their losses. The estimated value of property left behind by these Jewish refugees is up to a staggering $150 billion in today’s value. The number of Jews in various Arab countries in 1948 in comparison to 2018 is showcased below. 

  • Algeria’s Jewish Population in 1948: 140,000     In 2018: <50
  • Egypt’s Jewish Population in 1948: 75,000     In 2018: 100
  • Iraq’s Jewish Population in 1948: 135,000     In 2018: <10
  • Lebanon’s Jewish Population in 1948: 5,000     In 2018: <100
  • Libya’s Jewish Population in 1948: 38,000     In 2018: <0
  • Morocco’s Jewish Population in 1948: 265,000     In 2018: 2,150
  • Syria’s Jewish Population in 1948: 30,000     In 2018: <100
  • Tunisia’s Jewish Population in 1948: 105,000     In 2018: 1050
  • Yemen’s Jewish Population in 1948: 63,000     In 2018: <50

And yet…contrary to the Palestinian narrative, there has been no international movement advocating for the right of return for these Jewish refugees. Instead, they resettled primarily in Israel. The Jewish state absorbed a massive influx of refugees despite its very limited resources. Israel provided housing, education, and employment, helping these refugees rebuild their lives from scratch. The absorption of these Jewish refugees was achieved without prolonged international aid or demands for repatriation. 

The Palestinian Right of Return

As defined by the 1951 Refugee Convention, a refugee is someone who has been forced to flee their country because of persecution, war, or violence. Yet, according to the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, a Palestinian refugee isn’t just someone who fled in 1948. It includes their children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren. No other refugee group receives this kind of multi-generational status.

For instance, Italians who fled Europe during World War II did not pass on their refugee status to their descendants indefinitely. However, for the Palestinians, their numbers have ballooned to millions. Generations of Palestinians have been born and raised in other countries—often holding citizenship and participating fully in these nations’ social and economic life. Despite this, they continue to be counted as refugees—yes, even the multi-millionaire, American citizen Bella Hadid is considered a Palestinian refugee. 

Why are there Palestinian Refugees in the first place? 

The United Nations Partition Plan of 1947 was a historic opportunity to create two states for Arabs and Jews. The Jewish leadership accepted this compromise—seeking coexistence. However, the Arab committee rejected the plan and mobilized for war. On May 15, 1948, five Arab armies (Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq) invaded Israel. This invasion was executed with the help of Britain—marking the beginning of a full-scale war against the Jews.

Below is an image of one of the published newspapers during this invasion: 

The majority of Palestinians left their homes in 1948 at the urging of Arab leaders, who promised them a swift return after a quick victory over the Jews. Even Khaled al-Azm, the Syrian Prime Minister in the 1940s, admitted in his memoirs that Arab governments exacerbated the refugee problem by encouraging Palestinians to leave. If Arab leaders had embraced the 1947 UN partition plan, the region might have witnessed a vastly different reality—there wouldn’t have been a single Palestinian refugee. 

After the partition announcement, Palestinians began relocating, with approximately 30,000 wealthy Arabs moving early on. Meanwhile, others transitioned from mixed cities to all-Arab towns.

Contrary, Jewish leaders actually encouraged Arabs to remain and become citizens of Israel. In April 1948, David Ben-Gurion sent Golda Meir to Haifa to persuade the Arab population to stay. Golda Meir assured the Arab civilians of their safety. However, it was a failed attempt due to the Arabs’ fear of being seen as traitors to the Arab movement​.

Another instance is when the Assembly of Palestine Jewry issued an appeal on October 2, 1947. They called for Arab nations to join forces with the Jewish State for peace​. The Arabs who stayed are thriving citizens of Israel now. Today’s Israeli-Arabs are equal citizens of Israeli society—they are doctors, parliament members, Supreme Court judges, professors at prominent universities, etc. Some even simply identify as an Israeli-Arab, rather than a Palestinian.

Use of Arab Villages as Military Bases

Another reason for Palestinians relocating was that many Arab villages were strategically turned into military bases. This militarization of civilian areas made them targets for military operations. Even historian Benny Morris documented instances where Arab forces occupied villages, leading to their depopulation.

Offers for Return

It’s also noteworthy that Israel made several offers for Palestinians to return to the land. After winning the 1948 war initiated by the Arab countries, Israel proposed allowing a significant number of refugees to return as part of the 1949 Lausanne Conference negotiations. Yet, Arab states rejected these proposals. They demanded an all-or-nothing return of all relocated Palestinians even though it was a major security concern. What other nation in history—after being attacked first—would be expected to accommodate such demands? It’s a ridiculous notion that no other country would tolerate after a war.

In 1950, Israel again extended an offer to repatriate some Palestinian refugees as part of broader peace talks. This initiative was also dismissed by the Arab states, who were unwilling to negotiate even a partial solution.

Refugee Camps in Palestinian Territories

Adding to the complexity is the fact that many Palestinians living in Gaza and the West Bank are still considered refugees and reside in refugee camps. For example, camps like Jabalia, Shati, and Khan Younis, Balata, Aida, and Deheisheh exist within Palestinian cities. This raises the question: Why are there Palestinian refugee camps in Palestinian cities? Why are there Palestinian refugee camps with developed schools, hospitals, resident homes, etc.? 

The existence of these camps suggests that the refugee status is being maintained for political reasons rather than for the well-being of the people. Despite billions of dollars in international aid flowing into Palestinian territories, these camps remain.

According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), aid to Palestinians totaled over $40 billion between 1994 and 2020. In 2020 alone, the UN’s Refugee Agency for Palestinians (a UN agency with linked ties to terrorism) received over $1 billion in funding. Arab leaders maintain this status in their society to serve a political narrative. This ongoing situation is a significant misuse of resources that could otherwise foster real development and stability. 

Conclusion

Addressing the Palestinian right of return isn’t about dismissing the hardships faced by Palestinian refugees. It’s unjust that many Palestinians, particularly those in Arab refugee camps, remain in limbo. Depoliticizing their refugee status means shifting the focus from using their struggle as a political tool to finding genuine solutions. Our goal should be a future where Israelis and Palestinians coexist peacefully on the land without the burden of an impractical double standard.

About the Author
Shay Szabo, a dedicated Juris Doctor candidate, holds a bachelor's degree in Cellular, Molecular, and Developmental Biology from the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor. As an Israeli-Jew, she is passionate about combating Jew hatred and fostering unity in Arab-Jewish relations. Shay has been advocating for improved Israeli-Palestinian relations from a young age, earning the Princeton Prize for Race Relations Award in 2015. She actively fights against Jew hatred by creating educational content on social media (@judeanceo) and participating in academic panels. Shay's work reflects her deep-seated belief in the power of education and dialogue to bridge divides.
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