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The Reality of Rule: What Critics Get Wrong About Palestinian Self-Governance
In a region where headlines are dominated by conflict and control, there’s a story that rarely makes the front page—a story of Arab governance over some of the most historically significant cities. These cities, rich in culture and history, often escape the broader narrative. Yet, the story of who truly governs these areas tells a tale that shatters conventional perceptions and invites a deeper understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian landscape.
From the ancient streets of Jericho, the oldest continuously inhabited city in the world, to the religiously storied Bethlehem, these cities are a living testament to a multifaceted heritage. But beyond their profound heritage, these cities are centers of contemporary Arab governance, where leaders exercise real authority. Understanding who holds the reins in these pivotal locations not only sheds light on the daily realities of those who live there but also challenges the oversimplified narratives that often dominate international discourse.
The governance of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank centers around President Mahmoud Abbas, who has held office since 2005. Supported by Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh, the President directs policy and commands security forces, with the Cabinet (executive branch) managing key sectors like education, health, and finance. Fatah, the dominant party within the PA, heavily influences the governance structure.
The Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), intended as the legislative body, has been largely inactive since 2007 due to internal political divisions between Fatah and Hamas. Repeated postponements of elections have left the legislative process stalled, with Palestinians in the West Bank relying on presidential decrees.
Influenced by international aid, particularly from the European Union, the U.S., and Arab states, these decrees cover a wide range of issues, from economic policies to security matters. Security coordination with Israel, though necessary for stability, remains controversial within Palestinian society.
This convoluted web of governance sets the stage for a closer look at the distinct realities within Areas A, B, and C, where the true complexities of Palestinian governance come to light.
At the heart of this governance are cities like Jericho, Nablus, Hebron, Jenin, Ramallah, Qalqilya, and Bethlehem, where the Palestinian Authority (PA) exercises full control. Established under the Oslo Accords, the PA governs these cities in what is known as Area A. Here, Palestinian officials oversee all civil and security matters, including law enforcement, education, infrastructure, and local government services, creating a distinct administrative landscape that operates independently of Israeli control.
Area A is home to 2.8 million Palestinians and no Jewish residents, as Israeli law prohibits Israelis from entering.
Every aspect of daily life is overseen by the PA, making it the central authority upon which the entire local government structure depends.
While the Palestinian Authority (PA) exercises full control in Area A, the situation becomes more complex in Areas B and C of the West Bank. In Area B, the governance is shared; the PA handles civil matters such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure, but Israel retains overarching security control. This arrangement exists largely for security reasons, allowing Israel to prevent potential threats and manage anti-terrorism efforts.
Incidents like the 2002 Passover Massacre, the 2015 stabbing spree, and the 2016 Sarona Market shooting highlight the persistent threat of terrorism and the need for coordinated security measures in these areas.
Since 2000, there have been over 2,000 documented terrorist attacks against Israelis originating from the West Bank, underscoring the persistent and severe security risks faced by the region.
Area B is home to a substantial portion of the Palestinian population but does not contain any Israeli residents.
Area C, a significant portion of the West Bank, is fully under Israeli control, encompassing communities and rural areas. This area is home to approximately 450,000 Israeli residents and around 300,000 Palestinian residents, often coexisting within a layered governance structure.
Building on the complexities of Areas A, B, and C, the West Bank is further organized into 11 administrative regions known as governorates. Each governorate is managed by locally appointed officials under the Palestinian Authority (PA), overseeing key services such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure. These governorates—Hebron, Bethlehem, Jerusalem, Ramallah and Al-Bireh, Jericho, Nablus, Salfit, Qalqilya, Tulkarm, Jenin, and Tubas—allow the PA to coordinate effectively across the West Bank, particularly within Areas A and B.
This structure reinforces the PA’s role in maintaining a cohesive governance system throughout the region, despite the intricacies posed by the various administrative areas.
While these cities are often discussed in the context of conflict and governance, their cultural and historical significance also plays a crucial role. Bethlehem, the birthplace of Jesus and home to the Church of the Nativity, draws over a million visitors annually, generating approximately $300 million each year for the local economy.
Similarly, Jericho, one of the world’s oldest cities and home to the Mount of Temptation— welcomes around 500,000 tourists annually. Hebron, with the Cave of the Patriarchs, and Nazareth, a focal point for Christian pilgrimage with its Church of the Annunciation, are key religious destinations that sustain cultural tourism. Nablus, home to Joseph’s Tomb, also contributes to the heritage that continues to attract visitors.
Overall, tourism generates hundreds of millions of dollars annually for the West Bank, providing vital economic support amidst ongoing challenges.
Meanwhile, in Gaza City, a different narrative unfolds under the rule of Hamas, an Islamist political organization that has exerted full authority over the area since Israel’s disengagement from Gaza in 2005. Hamas controls not only Gaza City but the entire Gaza Strip, home to approximately 2 million Palestinians. Yahya Sinwar, a founding member of Hamas’s military wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, currently leads Hamas in Gaza.
While elections were held in 2006, resulting in Hamas’s rise to power, no subsequent elections have taken place, leading to accusations of authoritarian rule.
Corruption is rampant, with reports of election manipulation, the persecution of political rivals, and human rights abuses – specifically the violent persecution of LGBTQ+ individuals and others who do not conform to its religious expectations. Not surprisingly, much of the international aid intended for Gaza’s population is diverted to finance Hamas’s persistent peril of terrorism, exacerbating the humanitarian crisis.
This entrenched corruption has further solidified Hamas’s control, making daily life increasingly difficult for Gaza’s 2 million residents.
There are no Jewish residents in Gaza, and Israel maintains zero control over the governance of the area.
While the Israeli-Palestinian conflict often dominates headlines, it’s crucial to acknowledge the political influence Arab communities wield within Israel. In key cities, Arabs hold substantial control over municipal affairs, directly shaping the daily lives of their communities.
Nazareth, Israel’s largest Arab-majority city with over 77,000 residents, is entirely governed by Arab officials. Similarly, Umm al-Fahm (56,000), Tayibe (45,000), and Sakhnin (30,000), are led by Arab leaders. Even in mixed cities like Haifa, where approximately 10% of the population is Arab, Arab representatives play a crucial role in local governance.
These cities demonstrate that within Israel, Arab communities exercise real political power.
In 2024, approximately 21.1% of Israel’s population, or around 2.08 million people, are Arab citizens. These individuals hold full Israeli citizenship, including the right to vote in national and local elections. Voter turnout among Arab citizens has varied over the years, but recent elections have seen a large increase, with approximately 60-65% of eligible Arab voters participating.
In a region often reduced to simplistic narratives of conflict, the realities of governance in the Palestinian territories and within Israel’s Arab communities reveal a far more complex narrative. The Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza each offer distinct models of governance, both marked by internal challenges and international influences. Meanwhile, Arab citizens within Israel exercise political influence, contributing to the nation’s diverse society.
Recognizing these dynamics is essential for understanding the true landscape of the region, beyond the headlines.
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