Sergio Restelli

The Theater of Mediation: Credibility Crisis in US–Iran Talks

Pakistan’s latest attempt to position itself at the center of US–Iran diplomacy is beginning to look less like statecraft and more like performance. The reported dash by Asim Munir to Muscat, seeking Omani support after talks in Islamabad faltered, underlines a deeper problem. Mediation is not a stage. It is a discipline built on discretion, trust, and credibility. These are precisely the qualities now in question.

The breakdown in Islamabad was telling. The early departure of Hossein Amir-Abdollahian disrupted the choreography, and Washington’s response was swift. Donald Trump reportedly halted the travel of Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner to Pakistan, a move that signaled more than logistical inconvenience. It reflected a loss of confidence in the setting, and perhaps in the host.

Iran’s preference for Oman as a venue is not incidental. Muscat has spent decades cultivating a reputation for quiet diplomacy, serving as a trusted backchannel between adversaries who cannot afford public missteps. By contrast, Islamabad’s approach has appeared overly visible, even theatrical. When diplomacy begins to resemble a public relations exercise, it ceases to function as diplomacy.

Tehran’s concerns go beyond optics. There is a growing perception that Pakistan is not acting as a neutral intermediary. Suspicions that sensitive exchanges are being relayed to Washington strike at the heart of mediation itself. If one party believes the mediator is not only porous but aligned, the process collapses before it begins. Trust, once eroded, is extraordinarily difficult to rebuild.

Compounding this is a broader strategic anxiety. From Tehran’s vantage point, the “talks” risk becoming a smokescreen, a way for the United States to recalibrate its regional posture while Iran remains engaged in a performative negotiation track. Whether this perception is accurate matters less than the fact that it exists. In diplomacy, perception is often reality.

At home, the optics are equally damaging. Islamabad reportedly locked down parts of the capital for days in anticipation of high-profile arrivals that either did not materialize or did so reluctantly. The result is a domestic audience increasingly aware of the gap between projection and reality. When a state appears more invested in hosting diplomacy than in enabling it, credibility suffers both externally and internally.

This is not merely a question of tactics. It speaks to a deeper structural issue within Pakistan’s current political order. The urge to internationalize its relevance, to reclaim a central role in great power negotiations, is understandable for a country grappling with economic strain and political fragility. But diplomacy cannot compensate for domestic legitimacy deficits. If anything, overreach abroad tends to magnify them.

For Pakistan to play a constructive role, a recalibration is essential. The process must become quieter, not louder. Leaks, which may generate short-term attention, erode long-term trust. The instinct to “win” the mediation must give way to the more demanding task of enabling an outcome, even if the credit accrues elsewhere. Above all, the state must resist the temptation to instrumentalize diplomacy for domestic control, whether through securitized urban management or the suppression of dissenting voices.

There is still space for Pakistan to contribute meaningfully. Geography, relationships, and institutional memory all provide a foundation. But these assets are only as valuable as the credibility that underpins them. Without that, even the most well-connected intermediary becomes expendable.

In the end, the contrast with Oman is instructive. One has chosen silence and patience as tools of influence. The other risks mistaking visibility for effectiveness. In a region where diplomacy often unfolds in whispers, those who speak the loudest are rarely the ones being trusted.

About the Author
Sergio Restelli is an Italian political advisor, author and geopolitical expert. He served in the Craxi government in the 1990's as the special assistant to the deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Justice Martelli and worked closely with anti-mafia magistrates Falcone and Borsellino. Over the past decades he has been involved in peace building and diplomacy efforts in the Middle East and North Africa. He has written for Geopolitica and several Italian online and print media. In 2020 his first fiction "Napoli sta bene" was published.
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