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Shaul Schmuckler

What future awaits the refugees of the uninhabitable Gaza?

Uninhabitable Gaza

Since 2007, Gaza has been caught in a cycle of war between the State of Israel and Hamas. Who is Hamas? who are the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip? what future awaits them?

  1. Hamas: The Governing Regime in Gaza

Hamas is a branch of the Muslim Brotherhood and the only one in power in the Arab world. It follows a radical Islamist ideology that seeks to expand Islam globally, transforming the “Dar al-Harb” (literally “the house of war”—referring to all non-Muslim lands that must be brought under Islamic rule, including Western nations) into “Dar al-Islam” (territories where Islam dominates, having subdued opposing forces by force or conversion).

The first step in this mission, according to Hamas’s ideology, is the destruction of Israel and the elimination of the Jewish people before expanding its influence further. This doctrine has been ingrained in Gazans from an early age through schools run by UNRWA.

Hamas is fully aware that attacking Israel—especially in the brutal manner of the October 7 massacre—will bring devastating consequences for both itself and the population it governs. Yet it does so anyway, believing such attacks are a religious duty. Demonstrating determination and perseverance in following Allah’s command (Hishtadlut in Hebrew) is considered an obligation, regardless of the cost. In the eyes of Hamas, anyone who dies at the hands of the IDF is considered a martyr (Shahid), granted immediate entry into paradise, where they are promised eternal rewards, including the well-known belief in “72 virgins.”

For Hamas, martyrdom is not just a personal reward; it extends to the martyr’s entire extended family (H’amoula), granting up to 50 relatives automatic entry into paradise without passing through “Djenam” (Hell, known as Gehinnom in Hebrew). Their ideology teaches that Allah rewards patience and perseverance, and the greater the sacrifice, the greater the reward. The unexpected success of the October 7 attack only reinforced Hamas’s belief in its long-term victory, no matter the suffering it inflicts on its people.

This is the internal logic of Hamas—one that is nearly impossible to comprehend without understanding the dogmatic foundations of the Muslim Brotherhood, which are so foreign to the Western mindset.

  1. War and Its Consequences

The attack left Israel in shock, with more than 1,200 killed, more than 5,000 wounded, and 251 hostages taken. Israel, having underestimated the depths of Hamas’s ideological drive, responded with full force. Unlike previous military operations (2006, 2008-2009, 2014, and 2023), this time Israel was determined to eliminate Hamas as a threat once and for all.

The war has been highly asymmetrical—an army fighting a terrorist group embedded within the civilian population it claims to protect. The IDF divided Gaza into northern and southern zones, urging civilians to evacuate the north to avoid the fighting. The world has seen the images of thousands fleeing south.

The IDF launched its campaign with intensive airstrikes, reducing northern Gaza to rubble, and has since advanced southward. Reports indicate that over 85% of Gaza’s population has been displaced, and 70% of buildings have been destroyed or rendered uninhabitable. The humanitarian crisis that Hamas has inflicted upon its own people is immense. Even after the war, many Gazans will have no homes to return to—entire neighborhoods have been flattened, as they often housed Hamas’s tunnels and weapons.

This destruction was a necessary step before sending in ground forces to combat an enemy that operates from an underground labyrinth filled with booby traps. The already dire situation of Gaza’s refugees has now turned into a full-scale humanitarian catastrophe.

  1. The Arab Refugees of Gaza

The Palestinian refugee issue dates back to Israel’s War of Independence. When Israel declared statehood on May 14, 1948, five Arab nations—Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq—invaded, aiming to annihilate the fledgling Jewish state. Arab League Secretary-General Azzam Pasha made no secret of their intentions: “This will be a war of extermination and a momentous massacre that will be spoken of like the Mongol massacres and the Crusades.”

During the war, many Arabs fled their homes, seeking refuge in Arab-controlled areas such as Judea and Samaria (illegally occupied by Jordan) and the Gaza Strip (illegally occupied by Egypt).

Jordan illegally annexed the West Bank according to international law, while Egypt simply administered Gaza, hoping to use it as a launching point for future attacks against Israel. The refugee population in Gaza included both native Gazans and Arabs displaced from other areas.

In December 1949, the UN established UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees), tasked with providing aid, education, and social services to Palestinian refugees. Unlike all other refugees worldwide—who fall under the jurisdiction of the UNHCR—Palestinians alone were given their own separate UN agency. UNRWA’s mandate was temporary, requiring renewal every three years (the next renewal is in 2026).

UNRWA’s definition of a Palestinian refugee is unique. While the UNHCR does not extend refugee status to descendants, UNRWA considers every male Palestinian and his male descendants refugees, regardless of where they live or whether they have citizenship elsewhere. As a result, the Palestinian refugee population has grown exponentially over the decades.

In 1959, the Arab League passed a resolution preventing host countries from granting citizenship to Palestinian refugees, ensuring they remained stateless. At the time, UNRWA itself acknowledged: “Arab states do not wish to resolve the refugee problem. They want to keep it as an open wound and a weapon against Israel. The well-being of this population matters little to them.”

This situation has persisted to this day. Most Arab nations refuse to grant Palestinians citizenship, restrict their rights to own property, and bar them from many professions—all to maintain the refugee issue as a political tool against Israel.

Today, some 75% of Gaza’s population holds refugee status, receiving aid from UNRWA. But UNRWA’s operations raise serious questions. With 28,000 employees serving 5 million refugees (1 staffer per 200 refugees), compared to UNHCR’s 6,400 staff for 60 million global refugees (1 staffer per 10,000 refugees), its inefficiency is staggering. Moreover, UNRWA insists on receiving U.S. dollars in Gaza, refuses traceable payment methods, and is largely controlled by Hamas’s union.

  1. The Future of Gaza’s Refugees at the End of the War

The October 7, 2023, attack by Hamas exposed to the world the full extent of the threat it poses to Israel’s sovereignty. Instead of prioritizing the well-being of the people it governs, Hamas has diverted billions in international aid—intended to help the population it keeps in perpetual refugee status—to build an unprecedented underground terror city and amass an enormous stockpile of weapons smuggled in through Egypt.

Israel has recognized that Hamas’s power must be neutralized to prevent future atrocities. The military response has been fierce and proportional to the horrors endured. The fighting will continue, and the end is not yet in sight.

To resolve the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, Western nations—especially Israel—must demand an end to the hereditary refugee status granted to Palestinians. There is no justification for treating Gazans differently from the 60 million other refugees worldwide. Refugees are typically given emergency aid and then resettled in countries where they can rebuild their lives with dignity. The same must apply to the Palestinian refugees in Gaza. This war presents an opportunity for these 2 million people to escape their dire circumstances and start anew.

Many voices around the world have spoken out about the humanitarian crisis facing Gaza’s refugees. Israeli politicians from both the governing coalition and the opposition, former U.S. Ambassador to the UN and presidential candidate Nikki Haley, members of the U.S. Congress and now president Trump have all called for Palestinian refugees—the innocent civilian population—to be given the opportunity to leave Gaza and resettle in more hospitable countries where they can live with dignity and security.

Rightly, these advocates argue that great compassion must be shown to this suffering population. Syrian and Afghan refugees have found asylum in Europe, but cultural, linguistic, and religious differences have made integration difficult. The same mistakes should not be repeated with Gaza’s refugees. Their resettlement must be handled with greater empathy, ensuring they are placed in environments where they can adapt quickly and rebuild their lives on a solid foundation.

The most compassionate and logical solution is for the Arab nations that have long championed the Palestinian cause to welcome these refugees into their territories. Despite their vocal support, these countries contribute only a meager 4% to UNRWA’s $1.6 billion annual budget—an amount that hardly reflects true solidarity.

The Palestinian refugees of Gaza should be resettled across the 21 member states of the Arab League. Unlike in Europe, where refugees face significant cultural and linguistic challenges, relocation to Arab nations would eliminate those barriers, allowing for a smoother transition. With no language, religious, or moral differences to navigate, these refugees—already deeply distressed by war—would have a much better chance at a fresh start.

Arab nations must back up their financial aid with real human empathy toward their Palestinian brothers and sisters. With the proper support, refugees could be rehabilitated, reintegrated into the workforce, and given the opportunity to rebuild their lives with dignity. This is the most humane solution to a crisis that has persisted for far too long. If Arab countries refuse to welcome their fellow Palestinians, the international community must apply all necessary pressure to ensure they do. A growing number of voices are calling for this solution, and global political and institutional pressure must intensify.

UNRWA must be dismantled as soon as possible, as it has done nothing but perpetuate the refugee crisis rather than resolve it. Israel must take a firm stance on this issue, as this war—forced upon it in such a horrific manner—provides a rare opportunity to undo the damaging policies imposed by the Arab League after the 1949 War of Independence, which left a population of perpetual refugees along its borders. Western nations must also take an uncompromising position, as their moral credibility is at stake.

In the past, Kuwait hosted more than 400,000 Palestinians, only to expel them overnight after Yasser Arafat supported Saddam Hussein’s invasion of the country. It is time for these Arab nations to take responsibility and welcome their Palestinian brothers once again—this time, in a spirit of generosity and genuine solidarity.

Qatar, which has long funded Hamas, should be forced and coerced to open its borders to Gaza’s refugees and help resolve the crisis it has played a role in creating. The same applies to Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Egypt, and the North African nations. The Arab League has 21 member states, while the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) includes 57 nations—more than enough to absorb the Palestinian refugee population.

The Arab world, the West, and the Israel’s left-wing factions must face a critical choice: Are they truly concerned with solving the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, or are they more interested in preserving the Palestinian cause at the expense of the very people they claim to support? The time for empty rhetoric is over—concrete action must be taken.

About the Author
Shaul Schmuckler graduated in Political Science from Abroad, he has been following the Israeli political scene for decades. Specialized in International Law on every thing related to Israel and the surroundings lands and countries. Lecturing on these topics in Israel and abroad. As a political analyst he has appeared on local channels airing in foreign languages.
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